No additional cases of a new strain of avian influenza (H5N1) have been discovered in the DPRK, according to the first follow-up report submitted [PDF] to the World Organisation for Animal Health [OIE] on 22 May 2013 by Ri Kyong Gun, Director of the Veterinary Anti-Epizootic Department of the DPRK Ministry of Agriculture. According to the DPRK’s reporting to OIE, the birds in cages infected with the avian flu strain were “humanely culled” and that an “inactivated monovalent vaccine” was being administered on approximately 500,000 livestock and animals in the DPRK’s 12 provinces. On 19 April 2013, DPRK agricultural workers discovered an avian flu outbreak in a cage of ducks at the Tudan Duck Farm in east Pyongyang. Additional testing of duck cages from the Tudan Farm were tested by laboratories of the Ministry of Agriculture and State Academy of Science, which showed that 20 additional duck and duckling cages at Tudan Farm tested positive for avian flu. The DPRK has not been to determine the original source of the infection, however in its follow-up report to the OIE it said it had taken a number of precautions including screening other animals for symptoms, disinfecting farms where the virus has been found, restricting and/or prohibiting the transport of animals within the country, quarantining and administering vaccinations.
DPRK state media reported that a senior delegation led by VMar Choe Ryong Hae, Director of the Korean People’s Army [KPA] General Political Department, departed Pyongyang and arrived in Beijing on 22 May (Wednesday). VMar Choe, acting as a “special envoy for Kim Jong Un (Kim Cho’ng-u’n),” was joined on the trip by Col. Gen. Ri Yong Gil (Chief of the KPA General Staff Operations Bureau), Kim Song Nam (Deputy Director of the Korean Workers’ Party [KWP] International Affairs Department with the portfolio for Chinese relations), Kim Hyong Jun (Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs) and Lt. Gen. Kim Su Gil (KPA/Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces). Citing unnamed diplomatic sources in Beijing, Yonhap News Agency reported that after arriving in Beijing at around 10:30 AM, Choe and the delegation were driven to Diaoyutai Guest House. At the airport the DPRK delegation was received by DPRK Ambassador to the PRC Ji Jae Ryong and Deputy Director of the International Liaison Department of the Communist Party of China [CPC] Central Committee.
Shortly after his arrival in Beijing, Choe Ryong Hae met with Wang Jiarui, head of the CPC Central Committee International Liaison Department. Details of the meeting were not disclosed in Chinese media.
During his visit, VMar Choe will most likely meet with senior Chinese officials including PRC President Xi Jinping. This is the first reported visit by a senior DPRK official acting as a representative for Kim Jong Un, since KJU formally became supreme leader in January 2012. Choe Ryong Hae and the members of the delegation are the most high level DPRK officials to publicly visit China since August 2012 when Jang Song Taek (Vice Chairman of the DPRK National Defense Commission and Director of the KWP Administration Department) led a large delegation on a weeklong visit in his capacity as the DPRK’s Chairman of the DPRK-China Joint Guidance Committee. Choe’s arrival in Beijing was the first publicized visit by the head of the KPA General Political Department since November 2009, when then-Gen. Kim Jong Gak led a KPA delegation on a visit to Beijing and to Jilin Province.
The visit to China by Choe Ryong Hae and the senior delegation occurred after a close adviser to Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe visited the DPRK. Isao Ijima, an adviser to Abe with ties to the DPRK leadership, visited Pyongyang during 14 to 17 May. Ijima was unofficially accompanied on his DPRK visit by members of Chosen Soren (Chongryon), the pro-DPRK association of Korean residents in Japan. During his stay, Ijima met with KWP Secretary for International Affairs Kim Yong Il, Supreme People’s Assembly Presidium President Kim Yong Nam (the DPRK’s nominal head of state and #2 leading official) and DPRK Ambassador-at-Large (with the portfolio for DPRK-Japan interactions) Song Il Ho. Ijima’s visit to Pyongyang was criticized as “unhelpful” by the South Korean government and viewed with some ambivalence by the United States, however Ijima’s trip was supported by China with Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Hong Lei saying, “We hope tensions on the Korean Peninsula will be eased, and regional peace and stability will be secured through the contact (between Iijima and North Korea)We hope (the latest visit) will be beneficial for resolving problems, including the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.”
Choe and the delegation also arrived in Beijing one day after the DPRK released a Chinese fishing trawler and its 16 crew members. The Dalian-based trawler “Liaoning Generic Fishing No. 2522″ and the crew members were captured in Chinese waters by an unknown group of DPRK pirates on 5 May 2013 and held until 21 May 2013. The captured fisherman were held for a $75,000 ransom that was not paid The Chinese Foreign Ministry and Chinese border security forces informed the DPRK about the trawler’s capture and demanded that DPRK authorities investigate the ship’s seizure. The incident was not publicized until the fishing boat’s owner wrote about it on his microblog. After the incident was publicized, the Chinese government requested that the DPRK release the trawler and its crew.
Choe Ryong Hae and the delegation’s visit to Beijing also occurs one month before Chinese President Xi Jinping is scheduled to hold a meeting with US President Barack Obama and a possible summit in Beijing in June with South Korean President Park Geun-hye. The Xi-Obama meeting has been scheduled for 7 June and 8 June at the former estate of Walter and Lee Annenberg, Sunnylands, in Rancho Mirage, California. The South Korean government has yet to finalize a date and itinerary for Park Geun-hye’s visit to China in June. Park initially wanted a visit to China to be her first trip as ROK President, but instead she traveled to the United States on a six-day working visit in early May.
Choe Ryong Hae’s arrival in Beijing incited a round of speculation by Pyongyang watchers. Professor Lee Nam-joo told Yonhap “It may be the start of policies that can ease tensions and lead to dialogue. The envoy should be able to help reduce tensions which have reached unprecedented levels recently” and Professor Yang Moo-jin said that “Pyongyang may seek to highlight the close ‘blood alliance’ that existed between the two countries and seek an outlet for inter-Korea talks as well as dialogue with the United States.” Professor Yang also said that ”with Washington and Beijing expected to touch on North Korea at an upcoming summit meeting, the envoy can explain to China the North’s position, which may open new dialogue channels not only between Pyongyang and Washington but between South and North Korea.”
Talks between the DPRK delegation and senior Chinese officials will likely touch on strategic issues including the DPRK’s launch of a rocket/ballistic missile on 12 December 2013 and the 12 February 2013 test of a nuclear device. If China was hoping that a senior-level interaction would cause the DPRK to return to the Six Party Talks on denuclearization they are likely to find that Choe Ryong Hae’s visit may not bear the fruit that they seek. DPRK Ambassador to the Russian Federation Kim Yong Jae gave an interview with Russia’s Interfax news service, published on 21 May, in which he said, “The army and the people of North Korea, who are living in the conditions of permanent nuclear threats, sanctions and a blockade, will in every possible way reinforce nuclear deterrence forces that are destined to protect the sovereignty of the country and a right for the nation to exist, safeguard peace and promote stability in the region.”
Kim Yong Jae also said “The essence of the US strategy in Korea is to strangle North Korea. It is North Korea that is the first object in implementation of the [USA's] strategy in the Asia-Pacific region. The US global strategy is a strategy of domination of the whole planet and to implement it, a strategy of reorienting [the USA] to the Asia-Pacific region has been launched. In accordance with it, pressure is also being built up on China and Russia in the Northeast Asia and a special geopolitical role is assigned to the Korean peninsula” and that ”the people of this region, like other world peaceloving forces, not only failed to exert pressure on the USA to disrupt its large-scale military exercises, but also succumbed to the influence of a sophisticated information war to dishonour North Korea on the part of the USA and South Korea.”
DPRK state media published a statement (tamhwa) on 30 March (Saturday) from “the government, political parties and organizations of the DPRK.” Unlike the recent volley of statements, or indeed most communications published and broadcasted in state media, the 30 March 2013 statement was not issued under the name of any specific organization (s). The statement is not cited as the work of the DPRK National Defense Commission, the KPA Supreme Command or Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces from the DPRK national security community, it was not an individual or joint statement of the Foreign Ministry, the DPRK Cabinet or the Supreme People’s Assembly, it was not linked to any specific political parties such as the Korean Workers’ Party, the Ch’o'ndoist Ch’o'ngu Party or the Korean Social Democratic Party and it was not issued in the name of various organizations such as the National Peace Committee of Korea oe Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of Korea, the General Federation of Trade Unions of Korea, the Korean Democratic Women’s Union or the Kim Il Sung Youth League.
While no organization or elite cohort has claimed neither provenance nor authorship of the statement, it may foreshadow the “important important issue for victoriously advancing the Korean revolution and make a drastic turn in accomplishing the Chuch’e revolutionary cause under the banner of the great Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism” which is planned for the upcoming KWP Central Committee plenary meeting (plenum), which will be held on Sunday (31 March) one day ahead of the 7th session of the 12th SPA on 1 April (Monday).
The statement, according to KCNA:
The moves of the U.S. imperialists to violate the sovereignty of the DPRK and encroach upon its supreme interests have entered an extremely grave phase. Under this situation, the dear respected Marshal Kim Jong Un, brilliant commander of Mt. Paektu, convened an urgent operation meeting on the performance of duty of the Strategic Rocket Force of the Korean People’s Army for firepower strike and finally examined and ratified a plan for firepower strike.
The important decision made by him is the declaration of a do-or-die battle to provide an epochal occasion for putting an end to the history of the long-standing showdown with the U.S. and opening a new era. It is also a last warning of justice served to the U.S., south Korean group and other anti-reunification hostile forces. The decision reflects the strong will of the army and people of the DPRK to annihilate the enemies.
Now the heroic service personnel and all other people of the DPRK are full of surging anger at the U.S. imperialists’ reckless war provocation moves, and the strong will to turn out as one in the death-defying battle with the enemies and achieve a final victory of the great war for national reunification true to the important decision made by Kim Jong Un.
The Supreme Command of the KPA in its previous statement solemnly declared at home and abroad the will of the army and people of the DPRK to take decisive military counteraction to defend the sovereignty of the country and the dignity of its supreme leadership as regards the war moves of the U.S. and south Korean puppets that have reached the most extreme phase.
Not content with letting B-52 make sorties into the sky over south Korea in succession despite the repeated warnings of the DPRK, the U.S. made B-2A stealth strategic bomber and other ultra-modern strategic strike means fly from the U.S. mainland to south Korea to stage a bombing drill targeting the DPRK. This is an unpardonable and heinous provocation and an open challenge.
By taking advantage of the U.S. reckless campaign for a nuclear war against the DPRK, the south Korean puppets vociferated about “preemptive attack” and “strong counteraction” and even “strike at the commanding forces”, openly revealing the attempt to destroy monuments symbolic of the dignity of the DPRK’s supreme leadership.
This clearly shows that the U.S. brigandish ambition for aggression and the puppets’ attempt to invade the DPRK have gone beyond the limit and their threats have entered the reckless phase of an actual war from the phase of threat and blackmail.
The prevailing grim situation more clearly proves that the Supreme Command of the KPA was just when it made the judgment and decision to decisively settle accounts with the U.S. imperialists and south Korean puppets by dint of the arms of Military-First politics (So’ngun), because time when words could work has passed.
Now they are openly claiming that the B-2A stealth strategic bombers’ drill of dropping nuclear bombs was “not to irritate the north” but “the defensive one”. The U.S. also says the drill is “to defend the interests of its ally”. However, it is nothing but a lame pretext to cover up its aggressive nature, evade the denunciation at home and abroad and escape from the DPRK’s retaliatory blows.
The era when the U.S. resorted to the policy of strength by brandishing nuclear weapons has gone.
It is the resolute answer of the DPRK and its steadfast stand to counter the nuclear blackmail of the U.S. imperialists with merciless nuclear attack and their war of aggression with just all-out war.
They should clearly know that in the era of Marshal Kim Jong Un, the greatest-ever commander, all things are different from what they used to be in the past.
The hostile forces will clearly realize the iron will, matchless grit and extraordinary mettle of the brilliant commander of Mt. Paektu that the earth cannot exist without Military-First (So’ngun) Korea.
Time has come to stage a do-or-die final battle.
The government, political parties and organizations of the DPRK solemnly declare as follows reflecting the final decision made by Kim Jong Un at the operation meeting of the KPA Supreme Command and the unanimous will of all service personnel and people of the DPRK who are waiting for a final order from him.
1.From this moment, the north-south relations will be put at the state of war and all the issues arousing between the north and the south will be dealt with according to the wartime regulations.
The state of neither peace nor war has ended on the Korean Peninsula.
Now that the revolutionary armed forces of the DPRK have entered into an actual military action, the inter-Korean relations have naturally entered the state of war. Accordingly, the DPRK will immediately punish any slightest provocation hurting its dignity and sovereignty with resolute and merciless physical actions without any prior notice.
2. If the U.S. and the south Korean puppet group perpetrate a military provocation for igniting a war against the DPRK in any area including the five islands in the West Sea of Korea or in the area along the Military Demarcation Line, it will not be limited to a local war, but develop into an all-out war, a nuclear war.
It is self-evident that any military conflict on the Korean Peninsula is bound to lead to an all-out war, a nuclear war now that even U.S. nuclear strategic bombers in its military bases in the Pacific including Hawaii and Guam and in its mainland are flying into the sky above south Korea to participate in the madcap DPRK-targeted nuclear war moves.
The first strike of the revolutionary armed forces of the DPRK will blow up the U.S. bases for aggression in its mainland and in the Pacific operational theatres including Hawaii and Guam and reduce not only its military bases in south Korea but the puppets’ ruling institutions including Chongwadae and puppet army’s bases to ashes at once, to say nothing of the aggressors and the provokers.
3. The DPRK will never miss the golden chance to win a final victory in a great war for national reunification.
This war will not be a three day-war but it will be a blitz war through which the KPA will occupy all areas of south Korea including Jeju Island at one strike, not giving the U.S. and the puppet warmongers time to come to their senses, and a three-dimensional war to be fought in the air, land and seas and on the front line and in the rear.
This sacred war of justice will be a nation-wide, all-people resistance involving all Koreans in the north and the south and overseas in which the traitors to the nation including heinous confrontation maniacs, warmongers and human scum will be mercilessly swept away.
No force on earth can break the will of the service personnel and people of the DPRK all out in the just great war for national reunification and of all other Koreans and overpower their might.
Holding in high esteem the peerlessly great men of Mt. Paektu, the Korean people will give vent to the pent-up grudge and realize their cherished desire and thus bring a bright day of national reunification and build the best power on this land without fail.
DPRK state media reported on 9 March (Saturday) that the country’s Foreign Ministry issued a statement denouncing United Nations Security Council Resolution 2094 (2013) as “clear proof that the UNSC was abused for the implementation of the hostile policy of the U.S. to bring down the ideology and system chosen by the people of the DPRK by disarming and suffocating it economically.” The DPRK Foreign Ministry’s English-language statement is as follows:
The UN Security Council on Thursday cooked up another “resolution on sanctions” against the DPRK over its third nuclear test with the U.S. as a main player.
The “resolution” is a clear proof that the UNSC was abused for the implementation of the hostile policy of the U.S. to bring down the ideology and system chosen by the people of the DPRK by disarming and suffocating it economically.
The U.S. wantonly violated a sovereign state’s legitimate right to launch a satellite and has escalated the moves to stifle the DPRK. It is, therefore, the arch criminal which compelled the DPRK to conduct an underground nuclear test for self-defence.
Had the UNSC been impartial even a bit, it should have taken issue with the high-handed hostile acts of the U.S. against the DPRK, to begin with, as it pushed the DPRK, which had planned to focus its efforts on economic construction and improvement of people’s living standard, to a nuclear test.
However, from the beginning the UNSC has taken a wrong way of creating a vicious cycle of tension, paying heed to the unilateral demand and assertion of the U.S. only in disregard of the root cause of the hostility between the DPRK and the U.S. and the nuclear issue of the Korean Peninsula.
The UNSC has cooked up five “resolutions on sanctions” against the DPRK at the instigation of the U.S. for the last eight years but they only resulted in the DPRK’s bolstering of its nuclear deterrent qualitatively and quantitatively quite contrary to what they expected.
The DPRK’s nuclear deterrent has provided a firm guarantee for defending the country’s sovereignty and vital rights and served as an all-powerful treasured sword for shattering the U.S. moves to ignite a nuclear war and bringing earlier the historic cause of national reunification.
The DPRK, as it did in the past, vehemently denounces and totally rejects the “resolution on sanctions” against the DPRK, a product of the U.S. hostile policy toward it.
The U.S. and its allies’ adoption of the base “resolution on sanctions” aimed to bar the DPRK from conquering space and weaken its nuclear deterrent would only result in increasing the capability of Songun Korea a thousand times.
The UNSC committed such crime as encouraging the U.S. in its shameless attempt to unleash a nuclear war under the pretext of “nuclear nonproliferation”, creating a touch-and-go situation on the Korean Peninsula.
The DPRK has already clarified its firm stand that it would take stronger countermeasures in succession and lead them to a great war for national reunification in case the U.S. opts for conflict finally.
The DPRK will fight it out and win a final victory without fail by its own efforts and its own way.
The world will clearly see what permanent position the DPRK will reinforce as a nuclear weapons state and satellite launcher as a result of the U.S. attitude of prodding the UNSC into cooking up the “resolution.”
DPRK state media reported on 8 March that the National Peace Committee of Korea [NPCK] and the Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of Korea [CPRK] (f.k.a Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of the Fatherland) released separate statements indicating Pyongyang’s current strategic thinking. Both of these organizations are technically part of Korean Workers’ Party [KWP] United Front Department. The intended audience of these statements are policymakers in Seoul, but primarily in Washington.
KCNA’s English version of the National Peace Committee of Korea’s statement, described as a memorandum, is as follows:
According to the memorandum, the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula is attributable to the nuclear threat directly posed to the DPRK by the U.S. which resorted to the war of aggression and hostile policy toward the DPRK.
The U.S. imperialists, which provoked the war for aggression of Korea in June 1950, shipped nuclear weapons to south Korea in August that year and at the end of the year openly disclosed its plan to drop 30-50 A-bombs in Korea-China border areas.
Eisenhower, U.S. president-elect at that time, blustered on May 13, 1953 that it will be more beneficial to use an atomic bomb rather than conventional weapons in Korea when taking into account the financial aspect.
After it sustained a shameful defeat in the Korean war, the U.S. has viciously resorted to nuclear threats to the DPRK, pursuant to its moves for a new war.
The U.S. set out for nuclear weaponization of its forces present in south Korea. It reorganized its forces’ division into Pentomic A-bomb Division equipped with tactical nuclear weapons and introduced Honest John nuclear missile battalion and 280 mm atomic artillery pieces battalion.
In 1958 the U.S. brought 588 tactical guided missile battalion of the U.S. air force and set up the 4th guided missile command of the U.S. forces.
Entering the 1960s, the U.S. renamed Pentomic A-bomb Division ROAD Division and introduced to south Korea atomic and guided weapons with various missions.
After the Vietnamese war in the mid-1970s, the U.S. declared south Korea as an area for defending front and pressed for the policy for turning south Korea into a nuclear base.
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives Ronald, speaking at a parliament, confessed that the U.S. shipped more than 1 000 nuclear weapons to south Korea and deployed 54 airplanes for carrying nuclear bombs.
In the 1980s the U.S. spurred the modernization of the nuclear hardware of its forces in south Korea.
Early in the 1980s the U.S. deployed 31 155mm nuclear shells, 133 nuclear bombs for air use, 63 nuclear shells for 8 inch howitzers and 21 nuclear land mines before any other base of its forces overseas.
South Korea turned into the world’s biggest nuclear outpost with the stockpile of nuclear weapons such as bombs, shells, warheads, land mines and carrier means as well as nuclear bases and arsenals.
The U.S. nuclear threats were vividly manifested in its open declaration to use nuclear weapons in Korea.
In January 1968 when the U.S. imperialists’ armed spyship “Pueblo” was captured, the U.S. reviewed the nuclear attack plan. When the spy plane EC-121 was brought down from the sky above Korea in April 1969, the U.S. put tactical bombers mounted with nuclear weapons on standby and the then U.S President Nixon said that he approved the use of A-bomb in case Korea makes counterattack.
When the Korean Peninsula was almost in the state of “emergency” in 2002, the U.S. made the preemptive nuclear attack on the DPRK a fait accompli by granting the U.S. forces’ first use of nuclear weapons. It even asserted that it will develop smaller nuclear weapons for destroying underground facilities.
The present Obama administration has steadily increased nuclear threats, putting the DPRK in the list of preemptive nuclear attack targets.
The U.S. at the 41st annual security consultative meeting in 2009 with the south Korean puppet forces made public a joint press release in which it promised the offer to south Korea of the nuclear umbrella, capacity for striking with conventional weapons, a missile shield and other extended deterrence.
The U.S. forces and the south Korean forces worked out a number of scenarios for invading the DPRK and pushed forward the moves to put big and annual joint military drills including Key Resolve, Foal Eagle and Ulji Freedom Guardian into an actual war every year.
The memorandum disclosed the south Korean puppet forces as a chieftain that increased the danger of a nuclear war on the Korean Peninsula and hampered the solution to the nuclear issue in league with the U.S.
The successive puppet regimes of south Korea connived at and encouraged the U.S. shipment of nuclear weapons to south Korea and actively joined the U.S. in its moves for a nuclear war against the DPRK.
In the 1980s, traitor Chun Doo Hwan in alignment with the U.S. brought to south Korea a neutron bomb called the “weapon of evil in the 20th century”.
The puppet forces fully entrusted the U.S. with the right to use the nuclear weapons deployed in south Korea.
They formed the extended deterrence policy committee with the U.S. and agreed to hold exercises for using the extended deterrence means. Since 2011 they have put them into practice.
They have pushed forward the development of nuclear weapons in secrecy while taking an active part in the U.S. moves for a nuclear war.
The Park Chung Hee military dictatorial regime, in particular, laid out a nuclear weapons development plan and mulled processing nuclear fuel in 1969. It formed a nuclear and missile development team in 1974 and arranged nuclear fuel development area in 1976.
In September 1978, it test-fired ground to ground missile Paekgom capable of mounting nuclear warheads developed by the defense scientific research institute.
In November 1985, it completed the construction of a facility for extracting plutonium and put it into full operation from 1987.
South Korea directed efforts into the development of nuclear weapons delivery means as evidenced by the development of 256km range ground to ground missile Hyonmu capable of carrying out nuclear warheads and their deployment for an actual war in 1987.
It is openly calling for “nuclear weaponization” now.
It has viciously obstructed the negotiations for the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.
Traitor Kim Young Sam resorted to the whole gamut of machinations to break down the DPRK-U.S. negotiations by currying favor with the U.S.
The cursed traitor Lee Myung Bak group threw hurdles in the way of the DPRK-U.S. talks, claiming that the “nuclear issue of the north” is destroying the peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula and obstructing the efforts for the development of the south-north relations.
The Lee Myung Bak group called the DPRK’s peaceful satellite launch “a long-range missile launch” till the last moments of its office and worked with bloodshot eyes to materialize international “sanctions” citing the launch as a pretext.
The memorandum said that the DPRK’s access to nuclear deterrence for self-defence was entirely attributable to the U.S. and its stooge south Korean puppet forces.
The DPRK has constantly called for the withdrawal of the U.S. nuclear weapons since their shipment to south Korea and always maintained that the Korean Peninsula be denuclearized while working hard for the solution to the nuclear issue.
Far from responding to the DPRK’s sincere efforts, the U.S. prodded some circles of the International Atomic Energy Agency to create sort of “discrepancy” of nuclear materials and forced the DPRK to receive special inspection. It also resumed Team Spirit joint military exercises and openly increased the danger of a nuclear war.
The DPRK has made sincere efforts for the settlement of the nuclear issue on the peninsula through direct talk with the U.S. directly responsible for the issue.
The DPRK’s efforts for the peaceful settlement of the nuclear issue through dialogue have faced a serious challenge as junior Bush administration took power in the U.S.
The U.S. hostile policy toward the DPRK has remained unchanged under the present Obama government.
The Obama administration kicked up anti-DPRK nuclear racket, calling the DPRK’s peaceful satellite launch that was recognized by international law “a long-range missile launch”. This made the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula more serious one.
The situation eloquently proves that the DPRK was just when it decided to access nuclear deterrence for self-defence to cope with the U.S. nuclear threats.
The memorandum warned that the U.S. and the south Korean puppet forces should know that they will get nothing but destruction and disaster for their provocative anti-DPRK nuclear racket.
The CPRK released “information bulletin” #1021 on 7 March (Friday). The English language version is as follows:
The army and people of the DPRK are poised for a final do-or-die battle in the spirit of annihilating enemies after the statement was made public by a spokesman for the Supreme Command of the Korean People’s Army.
The south Korean puppet military hooligans engrossed in confrontation and provocation are running reckless, unaware of the gravity of the situation and the ensuing catastrophic consequences.
On March 6, the puppet Joint Chiefs of Staff let the chief of the operational department clarify south Korea’s stand with regard to the statement of the Supreme Command of the Korean People’s Army.
The military hooligans described the Key Resolve and Foal eagle war drills as “annual exercises for defense” and called the DPRK’s crucial measures a “provocation”. They even blustered that they would “severely punish even the commanding forces” of the north, adding that “they are bracing for putting it into practice.”
They even bluffed that they would target the supreme headquarters of the Korean revolution, openly touting “punishing the commanding forces”, a serious act of provoking an all-out war.
In April last year, they openly aired the footage of missile attack, calling for “striking the window of office in Pyongyang.”
It is tragedy of the nation that the group of cursed traitors like Lee Myung Bak is still at large even though they deserve divine punishment for the heinous crimes they already committed against the nation.
The enemies of the nation who dare point their finger at the sky can never go scot-free.
It is the fixed determination of the army and people of the DPRK to certainly deal sledge-hammer blows at the group of traitors who seek to harm the headquarters of the revolution, which represents the supreme dignity of the DPRK.
The puppet military group dares make rhetoric, unaware that the stronghold of confrontation and treachery Chongwadae, and Seoul will be blown up at a time when they attempt “punishing the commanding forces of the north”.
The DPRK solemnly stated to the world that from the moment when the Korean Armistice Agreement is nullified due to the moves for provoking a war of aggression by the U.S. imperialists and the puppet warmongers, the DPRK will mount Korean style strike of justice at the provocateurs without hesitation.
The revolutionary armed forces of the DPRK, already put on a high alert, are waiting for an order for great advance for national reunification, determined to blast the strongholds of aggression with prompt and fatal retaliation, should the provocateurs make even the slightest move.
The reckless moves of the puppet warmongers for confrontation with the DPRK will accelerate their most miserable end.
Neither the U.S. nuclear umbrella which the puppet forces trust in as the savior nor international cooperation will be able to save the group of traitors to the nation.
The aggressors, provokers will meet a final ruin for provoking the DPRK for no reason.
The United Nations Security Council [UNSC] unanimously approved UNSCR # 2094 (2013 during a meeting on 7 March (Thursday), in response to the DPRK’s third detonation of a nuclear device on 12 February 2013. The text of the preamble and sanctions of UNSC #2094 (2013) is as follows [PDF available here]:
The Security Council today passed unanimously a resolution strengthening and expanding the scope of United Nations sanctions against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea by targeting the illicit activities of diplomatic personnel, transfers of bulk cash, and the country’s banking relationships, in response to that country’s third nuclear test on 12 February.
Acting under the Charter’s Chapter VII, through resolution 2094 (2013), the Council strongly condemned the test and maintained the sanctions it first imposed on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in 2006 under resolution 1718, deciding that some of those, along with additional restrictions, would apply to the individuals and entities listed in two annexes of today’s text.
In that connection, a travel ban and asset freeze were imposed on the Chief and Deputy Chief of a mining trading company it deemed “the primary arms dealer and main exporter of goods and equipment related to ballistic missiles and conventional weapons”, as well as on an official of a company designated by the Sanctions Committee to be the main financial entity for sales of conventional arms, ballistic missiles and goods related to assembly and manufacture.
The Council also froze the assets of a national-level organization responsible for the research and development of advanced weapons systems, and a conglomerate, designated by the Sanctions Committee in 2009, to be specializing in acquisition for the country’s defence industries and support to related sales. Further, it added to the list of prohibited equipment and technologies, and included a list of luxury goods that cannot be imported.
States are directed under the resolution to enhance their vigilance over the diplomatic personnel of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, in a provision aimed at halting any activities that could contribute to the country’s weapons programme, or which would violate any prohibited activities.
More specifically, States are directed to prevent the provision of financial services or the transfer of any financial or other assets or resources, including “bulk cash”, which might be used to evade the sanctions. They are also called on to prohibit in their territories the opening of new branches or offices of “DPRK” banks and to prohibit such banks from establishing new joint ventures.
Moreover, in the effort to prevent the direct or indirect supply, sale or transfer to or from the Democratic People’s Republic or Korea or its nationals of any banned items, States are authorized to inspect all cargo within or transiting through their territory that has originated in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea or that is destined for that country. They are to deny permission to any aircraft to take off from, land in or overfly their territory, if they have reasonable grounds to believe the aircraft contains prohibited items.
States were also asked to supply any information on non-compliance and to report to the Council within 90 days, and thereafter, at the Committee’s request, on measures they have taken to implement the text. The Sanctions Committee is directed to respond to violations and is authorized to add to the list. The expert panel, under the Committee’s auspices, was extended until 7 April 2014.
The Council promised to keep the situation under continuous review and stated it was “prepared to strengthen, modify, suspend or lift the measures as may be needed in light of the DPRK’scompliance”, or to “take further significant measures in the event of a further DPRK launch or nuclear test”.
The meeting began at 10:11 a.m. and ended at 10:14 a.m.
The full text of Security Council resolution 2094 (2013) reads as follows:
“The Security Council,
“Recalling its previous relevant resolutions, including resolution 825 (1993), resolution 1540 (2004), resolution 1695 (2006), resolution 1718 (2006), resolution 1874 (2009), resolution 1887 (2009) and resolution 2087 (2013), as well as the statements of its President of 6 October 2006 (S/PRST/2006/41), 13 April 2009 (S/PRST/2009/7) and 16 April 2012 (S/PRST/2012/13),
“Reaffirming that proliferation of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons, as well as their means of delivery, constitutes a threat to international peace and security,
“Underlining once again the importance that the DPRK respond to other security and humanitarian concerns of the international community,
“Expressing the gravest concern at the nuclear test conducted by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (“the DPRK”) on 12 February 2013 (local time) in violation of resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009) and resolution 2087 (2013), and at the challenge such a test constitutes to the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (“the NPT”) and to international efforts aimed at strengthening the global regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, and the danger it poses to peace and stability in the region and beyond,
“Concerned that the DPRK is abusing the privileges and immunities accorded under the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic and Consular Relations,
“Welcoming the Financial Action Task Force’s (FATF) new Recommendation 7 on targeted financial sanctions related to proliferation, and urging Member States to apply FATF’s Interpretative Note to Recommendation 7 and related guidance papers for effective implementation of targeted financial sanctions related to proliferation,
“Expressing its gravest concern that the DPRK’s ongoing nuclear and ballistic missilerelated activities have further generated increased tension in the region and beyond, and determining that there continues to exist a clear threat to international peace and security,
“Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, and taking measures under its Article 41,
“1. Condemns in the strongest terms the nuclear test conducted by the DPRK on 12 February 2013 (local time) in violation and flagrant disregard of the Council’s relevant resolutions;
“2. Decides that the DPRK shall not conduct any further launches that use ballistic missile technology, nuclear tests or any other provocation;
“3. Demands that the DPRK immediately retract its announcement of withdrawal from the NPT;
“4. Demands further that the DPRK return at an early date to the NPT and International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards, bearing in mind the rights and obligations of States parties to the NPT, and underlines the need for all States parties to the NPT to continue to comply with their Treaty obligations;
“5. Condemns all the DPRK’s ongoing nuclear activities, including its uranium enrichment, notes that all such activities are in violation of resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009) and 2087 (2013),reaffirms its decision that the DPRK shall abandon all nuclear weapons and existing nuclear programmes, in a complete, verifiable and irreversible manner and immediately cease all related activities and shall act strictly in accordance with the obligations applicable to parties under the NPT and the terms and conditions of the IAEA Safeguards Agreement (IAEA INFCIRC/403);
“6. Reaffirms its decision that the DPRK shall abandon all other existing weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile programmes in a complete, verifiable and irreversible manner;
“7. Reaffirms that the measures imposed in paragraph 8 (c) of resolution 1718 (2006) apply to items prohibited by paragraphs 8 (a) (i), 8 (a) (ii) of resolution 1718 (2006) and paragraphs 9 and 10 of resolution 1874 (2009), decides that the measures imposed in paragraph 8 (c) of resolution 1718 (2006) also apply to paragraphs 20 and 22 of this resolution, and notes that these measures apply also to brokering or other intermediary services, including when arranging for the provision, maintenance or use of prohibited items in other States or the supply, sale or transfer to or exports from other States;
“8. Decides further that measures specified in paragraph 8 (d) of resolution 1718 (2006) shall apply also to the individuals and entities listed in annexes I and II of this resolution and to any individuals or entities acting on their behalf or at their direction, and to entities owned or controlled by them, including through illicit means, and decides further that the measures specified in paragraph 8 (d) of resolution 1718 (2006) shall apply to any individuals or entities acting on the behalf or at the direction of the individuals and entities that have already been designated, to entities owned or controlled by them, including through illicit means;
“9. Decides that the measures specified in paragraph 8 (e) of resolution 1718 (2006) shall also apply to the individuals listed in annex I of this resolution and to individuals acting on their behalf or at their direction;
“10. Decides that the measures specified in paragraph 8 (e) of resolution 1718 (2006) and the exemptions set forth in paragraph 10 of resolution 1718 (2006) shall also apply to any individual whom a State determines is working on behalf or at the direction of a designated individual or entity or individuals assisting the evasion of sanctions or violating the provisions of resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), and this resolution, and further decides that, if such an individual is a DPRK national, then States shall expel the individual from their territories for the purpose of repatriation to the DPRK consistent with applicable national and international law, unless the presence of an individual is required for fulfilment of a judicial process or exclusively for medical, safety or other humanitarian purposes, provided that nothing in this paragraph shall impede the transit of representatives of the Government of the DPRK to the United Nations Headquarters to conduct United Nations business;
“11. Decides that Member States shall, in addition to implementing their obligations pursuant to paragraphs 8 (d) and (e) of resolution 1718 (2006), prevent the provision of financial services or the transfer to, through, or from their territory, or to or by their nationals or entities organized under their laws (including branches abroad), or persons or financial institutions in their territory, of any financial or other assets or resources, including bulk cash, that could contribute to the DPRK’s nuclear or ballistic missile programmes, or other activities prohibited by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution, or to the evasion of measures imposed by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution, including by freezing any financial or other assets or resources on their territories or that hereafter come within their territories, or that are subject to their jurisdiction or that hereafter become subject to their jurisdiction, that are associated with such programmes or activities and applying enhanced monitoring to prevent all such transactions in accordance with their national authorities and legislation;
“12. Calls upon States to take appropriate measures to prohibit in their territories the opening of new branches, subsidiaries, or representative offices of DPRK banks, and also calls upon States to prohibit DPRK banks from establishing new joint ventures and from taking an ownership interest in or establishing or maintaining correspondent relationships with banks in their jurisdiction to prevent the provision of financial services if they have information that provides reasonable grounds to believe that these activities could contribute to the DPRK’s nuclear or ballistic missile programmes, or other activities prohibited by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), and this resolution, or to the evasion of measures imposed by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution;
“13. Calls upon States to take appropriate measures to prohibit financial institutions within their territories or under their jurisdiction from opening representative offices or subsidiaries or banking accounts in the DPRK if they have information that provides reasonable grounds to believe that such financial services could contribute to the DPRK’s nuclear or ballistic missile programmes, and other activities prohibited by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), and this resolution;
“14. Expresses concern that transfers to the DPRK of bulk cash may be used to evade the measures imposed in resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), and this resolution, andclarifies that all States shall apply the measures set forth in paragraph 11 of this resolution to the transfers of cash, including through cash couriers, transiting to and from the DPRK so as to ensure such transfers of bulk cash do not contribute to the DPRK’s nuclear or ballistic missile programmes, or other activities prohibited by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution, or to the evasion of measures imposed by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution;
“15. Decides that all Member States shall not provide public financial support for trade with the DPRK (including the granting of export credits, guarantees or insurance to their nationals or entities involved in such trade) where such financial support could contribute to the DPRK’s nuclear or ballistic missile programmes, or other activities prohibited by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution, or to the evasion of measures imposed by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution;
“16. Decides that all States shall inspect all cargo within or transiting through their territory that has originated in the DPRK, or that is destined for the DPRK, or has been brokered or facilitated by the DPRK or its nationals, or by individuals or entities acting on their behalf, if the State concerned has credible information that provides reasonable grounds to believe the cargo contains items the supply, sale, transfer, or export of which is prohibited by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution, for the purpose of ensuring strict implementation of those provisions;
“17. Decides that, if any vessel has refused to allow an inspection after such an inspection has been authorized by the vessel’s flag State, or if any DPRK-flagged vessel has refused to be inspected pursuant to paragraph 12 of resolution 1874 (2009), all States shall deny such a vessel entry to their ports, unless entry is required for the purpose of an inspection, in the case of emergency or in the case of return to its port of origination, and decides further that any State that has been refused by a vessel to allow an inspection shall promptly report the incident to the Committee;
“18. Calls upon States to deny permission to any aircraft to take off from, land in or overfly their territory, if they have information that provides reasonable grounds to believe that the aircraft contains items the supply, sale, transfer or export of which is prohibited by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution, except in the case of an emergency landing;
“19. Requests all States to communicate to the Committee any information available on transfers of DPRK aircraft or vessels to other companies that may have been undertaken in order to evade the sanctions or in violating the provisions of resolution 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution, including renaming or re-registering of aircraft, vessels or ships, and requests the Committee to make that information widely available;
“20. Decides that the measures imposed in paragraphs 8 (a) and 8 (b) of resolution 1718 (2006) shall also apply to the items, materials, equipment, goods and technology listed in annex III of this resolution;
“21. Directs the Committee to review and update the items contained in the lists specified in paragraph 5 (b) of resolution 2087 (2013) no later than 12 months from the adoption of this resolution and on an annual basis thereafter, and decides that, if the Committee has not acted to update this information by then, the Security Council will complete action to update within an additional 30 days;
“22. Calls upon and allows all States to prevent the direct or indirect supply, sale or transfer to or from the DPRK or its nationals, through their territories or by their nationals, or using their flag vessels or aircraft, and whether or not originating in their territories of any item if the State determines that such item could contribute to the DPRK’s nuclear or ballistic missile programmes, activities prohibited by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution, or to the evasion of measures imposed by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution, anddirects the Committee to issue an Implementation Assistance Notice regarding the proper implementation of this provision;
“23. Reaffirms the measures imposed in paragraph 8 (a) (iii) of resolution 1718 (2006) regarding luxury goods, and clarifies that the term “luxury goods” includes, but is not limited to, the items specified in annex IV of this resolution;
“24. Calls upon States to exercise enhanced vigilance over DPRK diplomatic personnel so as to prevent such individuals from contributing to the DPRK’s nuclear or ballistic missile programmes, or other activities prohibited by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), and this resolution, or to the evasion of measures imposed by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution;
“25. Calls upon all States to report to the Security Council within 90 days of the adoption of this resolution, and thereafter upon request by the Committee, on concrete measures they have taken in order to implement effectively the provisions of this resolution, and requests the Panel of Experts established pursuant to resolution 1874 (2009), in cooperation with other UN sanctions monitoring groups, to continue its efforts to assist States in preparing and submitting such reports in a timely manner;
“26. Calls upon all States to supply information at their disposal regarding non-compliance with the measures imposed in resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution;
“27. Directs the Committee to respond effectively to violations of the measures decided in resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), and this resolution, directs the Committee to designate additional individuals and entities to be subject to the measures imposed in resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), and this resolution, and decides that the Committee may designate any individuals for measures under paragraphs 8 (d) and 8 (e) of resolution 1718 (2006) and entities for measures under paragraph 8 (d) of resolution 1718 (2006) that have contributed to theDPRK’s nuclear or ballistic missile programmes, or other activities prohibited by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution, or to the evasion of measures imposed by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution;
“28. Decides that the mandate of the Committee, as set out in paragraph 12 of resolution 1718 (2006), shall apply with respect to the measures imposed in resolution 1874 (2009) and this resolution;
“29. Recalls the creation, pursuant to paragraph 26 of resolution 1874 (2009), of a Panel of Experts, under the direction of the Committee, to carry out the tasks provided for by that paragraph,decides to extend until 7 April 2014 the Panel’s mandate, as renewed by resolution 2050 (2012), decides further that this mandate shall apply with respect to the measures imposed in this resolution,expresses its intent to review the mandate and take appropriate action regarding further extension no later than twelve months from the adoption of this resolution, requests the Secretary-General to create a group of up to eight experts and to take the necessary administrative measures to this effect, and requests the Committee, in consultation with the Panel, to adjust the Panel’s schedule of reporting;
“30. Emphasizes the importance of all States, including the DPRK, taking the necessary measures to ensure that no claim shall lie at the instance of the DPRK, or of any person or entity in the DPRK, or of persons or entities designated for measures set forth in resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013), or this resolution, or any person claiming through or for the benefit of any such person or entity, in connection with any contract or other transaction where its performance was prevented by reason of the measures imposed by this resolution or previous resolutions;
“31. Underlines that measures imposed by resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009), 2087 (2013) and this resolution are not intended to have adverse humanitarian consequences for the civilian population of the DPRK;
“32. Emphasizes that all Member States should comply with the provisions of paragraphs 8 (a) (iii) and 8 (d) of resolution 1718 (2006) without prejudice to the activities of diplomatic missions in the DPRK pursuant to the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations;
“33. Expresses its commitment to a peaceful, diplomatic and political solution to the situation and welcomes efforts by Council members as well as other States to facilitate a peaceful and comprehensive solution through dialogue and to refrain from any actions that might aggravate tensions;
“34. Reaffirms its support to the Six-Party Talks, calls for their resumption, urges all the participants to intensify their efforts on the full and expeditious implementation of the 19 September 2005 Joint Statement issued by China, the DPRK, Japan, the Republic of Korea, the Russian Federation and the United States, with a view to achieving the verifiable denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula in a peaceful manner and to maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula and in north-east Asia;
“35. Reiterates the importance of maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula and in north-east Asia at large;
“36. Affirms that it shall keep the DPRK’s actions under continuous review and is prepared to strengthen, modify, suspend or lift the measures as may be needed in light of the DPRK’scompliance, and, in this regard, expresses its determination to take further significant measures in the event of a further DPRK launch or nuclear test;
“37. Decides to remain seized of the matter.”
Travel ban/asset freeze
1. YO’N CHO’NG NAM
(a) Description: Chief Representative for the Korea Mining Development Trading Corporation (KOMID). The KOMID was designated by the Committee in April 2009 and is the DPRK’s primary arms dealer and main exporter of goods and equipment related to ballistic missiles and conventional weapons.
2. KO CH’O’L-CHAE
(a) Description: Deputy Chief Representative for the Korea Mining Development Trading Corporation (KOMID). The KOMID was designated by the Committee in April 2009 and is the DPRK’sprimary arms dealer and main exporter of goods and equipment related to ballistic missiles and conventional weapons.
3. MUN CHO’NG-CH’O’L
(a) Description: Mun Cho’ng-Ch’o’l is a TCB official. In this capacity he has facilitated transactions for TCB. Tanchon was designated by the Committee in April 2009 and is the main DPRK financial entity for sales of conventional arms, ballistic missiles, and goods related to the assembly and manufacture of such weapons.
1. SECOND ACADEMY OF NATURAL SCIENCES
(a) Description: The Second Academy of Natural Sciences is a national-level organization responsible for research and development of the DPRK’s advanced weapons systems, including missiles and probably nuclear weapons. The Second Academy of Natural Sciences uses a number of subordinate organizations to obtain technology, equipment, and information from overseas, including Tangun Trading Corporation, for use in the DPRK’s missile and probably nuclear weapons programmes. Tangun Trading Corporation was designated by the Committee in July 2009 and is primarily responsible for the procurement of commodities and technologies to support DPRK’s defence research and development programmes, including, but not limited to, weapons of mass destruction and delivery system programmes and procurement, including materials that are controlled or prohibited under relevant multilateral control regimes.
(b) AKA: 2ND ACADEMY OF NATURAL SCIENCES; CHE 2 CHAYON KWAHAKWON; ACADEMY OF NATURAL SCIENCES; CHAYON KWAHAK-WON; NATIONAL DEFENSE ACADEMY; KUKPANG KWAHAK-WON; SECOND ACADEMY OF NATURAL SCIENCES RESEARCH INSTITUTE; SANSRI
(c) Location: Pyongyang, DPRK
2. KOREA COMPLEX EQUIPMENT IMPORT CORPORATION
(a) Description: Korea Ryonbong General Corporation is the parent company of Korea Complex Equipment Import Corporation. Korea Ryonbong General Corporation was designated by the Committee in April 2009 and is a defence conglomerate specializing in acquisition for DPRK defence industries and support to that country’s military-related sales.
(b) Location: Rakwon-dong, Pothonggang District, Pyongyang, DPRK
Items, materials, equipment, goods and technology
1. Perfluorinated Lubricants
They can be used for lubricating vacuum pump and compressor bearings. They have a low vapour pressure, are resistant to uranium hexafluoride (UF6), the gaseous uranium compound used in the gas centrifuge process, and are used for pumping fluorine.
2. UF6 Corrosion Resistant Bellow-sealed Valves
They can be used in uranium enrichment facilities (such as gas centrifuge and gaseous diffusion plants), in facilities that produce uranium hexafluoride (UF6), the gaseous uranium compound used in the gas centrifuge process, in fuel fabrication facilities and in facilities handling tritium.
1. Special corrosion resistant steels — limited to steels resistant to Inhibited Red Fuming Nitric Acid (IRFNA) or nitric acid, such as nitrogen stabilized duplex stainless steel (N-DSS).
2. Ultra high-temperature ceramic composite materials in solid form (i.e. blocks, cylinders, tubes or ingots) in any of the following form factors:
(a) Cylinders having a diameter of 120 mm or greater and a length of 50 mm or greater;
(b) Tubes having an inner diameter of 65 mm or greater and a wall thickness of 25 mm or greater and a length of 50 mm or greater; or
(c) Blocks having a size of 120 mm x 120 mm x 50 mm or greater.
3. Pyrotechnically Actuated Valves.
4. Measurement and control equipment usable for wind tunnels (balance, thermal stream measurement, flow control).
5. Sodium Perchlorate.
Chemical weapons list
1. Vacuum pumps with a manufacturer’s specified maximum flow-rate greater than 1 m3/h (under standard temperature and pressure conditions), casings (pump bodies), preformed casing-liners, impellers, rotors, and jet pump nozzles designed for such pumps, in which all surfaces that come into direct contact with the chemicals being processed are made from controlled materials.
(a) Jewelry with pearls;
(c) Precious and semi-precious stones (including diamonds, sapphires, rubies, and emeralds);
(d) Jewelry of precious metal or of metal clad with precious metal.
2. Transportation items, as follows:
(b) Luxury automobiles (and motor vehicles): automobiles and other motor vehicles to transport people (other than public transport), including station wagons;
(c) Racing cars.
Following its strong condemnation of the nuclear test conducted last month by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), the United Nations Security Council today tightened sanctions on the country’s trade and banking, as well as travel by targeted officials.
Detailing the new sanctions through a resolution adopted unanimously by the 15-member body, the Council demanded that the country retract its announcement of withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and reaffirmed its decision that “the DPRK shall abandon all nuclear weapons and existing nuclear programmes, in a complete, verifiable and irreversible manner.”
Toward that goal, an existing ban on DPRK trade in items related to the nuclear and ballistic missile programmes and officials involved in it was specified as applying to a raft of items detailed in the resolution’s annexes, ranging from “pyrotechnically actuated valves,” to luxury goods such as jewelry with pearls and race cars.
The travel ban and asset freeze was extended to additional individuals and companies, including those involved in the trade of arms-related material and to the Second Academy of Natural Sciences in Pyongyang.
Welcoming the adoption of the resolution, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon called its measures “effective and credible,” adding that “the Security Council has sent an unequivocal message to the DPRK that the international community will not tolerate its pursuit of nuclear weapons and related acts,” according to a statement released by his spokesperson.
Mr. Ban called on DPRK and all other Member States to fully comply with the resolution, reaffirming his commitment to the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula through dialogue.
The statement noted the Secretary-General’s deep concern over heightened tension on the Korean Peninsula, and urged DPRK to refrain from any further destabilizing steps or “bellicose rhetoric.”
“At a time of new political leadership throughout the region, the Secretary-General urges Pyongyang to reverse course and build confidence with the country’s neighbours,” it stated.
Sanctions were first imposed on DPRK by the Council following nuclear tests in 2006 and 2009, including a ban on the import of nuclear and missile technology. The sanctions were further tightened in January 2013 after the country reportedly launched a long-range Unha-3 rocket from its west coast.
In advance of the sanctions passage, the DPRK staged a mass Army-People solidarity rally in Kim Il Sung Square in central Pyongyang on 7 March, ostensibly to support a recent statement of the Korean People’s Army [KPA] Supreme Command. On the platform (reviewing stand) for the rally were a number of DPRK senior officials including Kim Yong Nam (President of the Supreme People’s Assembly [SPA] Presidium), Choe Yong Rim (DPRK Cabinet Premier), VMar Kim Yong Chun (Vice Chairman of the DPRK National Defense Commission), Korean Workers’ Party [KWP] Secretary Pak To Chun, KWP Secretary Choe Tae Bok, KWP Secretary and Director of the United Front Department Kim Yang Gon, Director of the KWP Machine-Building Industry Department Ju Kyu Chang and DPRK Cabinet Vice Premier and State Planning Commission (Gosplan) Chairman Ro Tu Chol along with “other senor party and state, officials of the party, armed forces and power organs, working people’s organizations, ministries, national institutions and scientific, educational, literary and art, public health and media fields, service persons of the KPA and the Korean People’s Internal Security Forces and officials and working people of institutions, industrial establishments and farms at all levels and teachers and students of universities and colleges here, more than 100 000 in all.”
Vice Minister of the People’s Armed Forces, Gen. Kang Pyo Yong, read the rally’s keynote statement. The statement and the rally’s speakers “amounts to a declaration of the will of all service personnel and people to win a sure victory by ending at an early date the final decisive battle with the brigandish U.S. imperialists who are working hard to usurp the dignity and sovereignty of the DPRK,” “warned that the U.S. imperialists and the south Korean warmongers should clearly understand who is their rival and what miserable fate awaits them and be fully aware that the right to preemptive nuclear attack is not their monopoly” and that “if the U.S. and puppet war-like forces bring the dark clouds of a nuclear war to hang over this land, the army and people of the DPRK will never miss the opportunity but sweep away the aggressors from the earth and glorify this year which marks the 60th anniversary of the victory in the Fatherland Liberation War as a historic year of national reunification.”
On 6 March (Wednesday) Rodong Sinmun published an editorial for internal dissemination, of the conventional, official political mood in the DPRK:
Respected and beloved Comrade Kim Jong Un stated the following. “Our cause is just, and the final victory is ours.”
The invincible mettle of our entire army and people, who have heard the Korean People’s Army [KPA] Supreme Command spokesman’s statement, awesomely shakes this land and this sky. The unchanging faith and unyielding position of military-first Korea is that it absolutely cannot miss a precious opportunity to clearly show before history and the world what kind of power the great Mt Paektu state has, which the world does not yet know nor imagine.
This is how KPA General Jong Hyon Il expresses his soaring anger at the brigandish US imperialists and lackey forces such as the South Korean puppets.
“Clearly know that the US imperialists and lackey forces such as the South Korean puppets.”
The Worker-Peasant Red Guards [WPRG] and Young Red Guards [YRG], as well as all the services and branches of the KPA beginning with our front-line army groups, are in the status of having entered a war of all-out confrontation in accordance with the operations plan finally signed by the respected and beloved comrade Supreme Commander. Our army never makes empty talk. It is the mettle of the revolutionary strong army of Mt Paektu to mean what it says.
If the US imperialists brandish nuclear weapons, we — in complete contrast to former times — will by means of diversified, precision nuclear strike in our own style turn not just Seoul, but even Washington, into a sea of fire.
We are fully prepared to strike at will any target, at any time, with no limitation.
The unchanging position of our army and the Mt Paektu-style of response is that if the enemies pull out a knife, we knock it away with a long sword; if they show a gun, we shatter it with a missile; and if they threaten us with nuclear weapons, we meet them with a means of precision nuclear strike in our style, which is yet unknown to the world.
All of our people’s army officers and men regard the KPA Supreme Command spokesman’s statement as the cannon-roar of victory, and they wait only for the comrade Supreme Commander’s order.
Metals Industry Minister Han Hyo Yon said that the serious measures that were made clear to everyone through the KPA Supreme Command spokesman’s statement are the will of our people and a declaration of annihilation, and he spoke out as follows.
“For nearly 60 years, from the time the armistice agreement was signed until today, we have lived preparing for the final decisive battle with the US imperialists.
Every portion of metal our working class put in during that time was turned straightway into tanks and rocket launchers, and into strategic rockets and nuclear weapons.
We have everything for completely eliminating the sworn enemies from the face of the earth.” The “Key Resolve” and “Foal Eagle” combined military exercises the US imperialists and South Korean puppets are conducting now are clearly offensive exercises for northward aggression and a nuclear test war against our Republic.
It seems that the enemies still do not understand very well how powerful our war deterrent and nuclear deterrent is. Our people will embrace the spirit of annihilating the enemy and completely wipe out the US imperialist aggressors and the South Korean puppet warmongers through a war of all-out decisive confrontation and struggle by all the people.
With the US imperialists, who regard the law of the jungle as the law of survival, one has to resolve things only through the gun barrel, not by words.
We do not make empty talk. Beginning from the forthcoming day of 11 March, there is no such thing as an armistice agreement.
There can be no such thing as a second armistice agreement, either; there can only be a document of surrender from the US imperialists.
Kim Il Sung Socialist Youth League Central Committee Chairman Jon Yong Nam remarked that he is boiling over with conviction of victory and the will to annihilate the enemy after hearing about the KPA Supreme Command spokesman’s statement, and he and stated the following.
“Today’s grave situation, in which the anti-Republic ‘sanctions’ maneuver of the US imperialists and South Korean puppets is proceeding toward military provocation, calls our youth to a patriotic holy war of justice.”
The national defense spirit of the 1950s’ young heroes who entered on the path of decisive war knowing that, although it is a single life for the only fatherland one has, there is no valuable life, no beautiful hope, and no great joy like that of sacrificing youthful days is beating powerfully in the heart of each of our youth.
The KPA Supreme Command spokesman’s statement saying that [the DPRK] will smash the US imperialists and South Korean puppet warmongers, who dare to come at us wielding the nuclear club and saying they will harm us, with means of a diversified precision nuclear strike in our own style, has put all of our youth, waiting only for the order, into the highest state of excitement.
Our youth, who have a never-changing faith that we will win without fail if only the respected and beloved Marshal Kim Jong Un is there, solemnly pledge that they will become 5 million gun barrels and 10 million bombs for the party, leader, fatherland, and people, fill the first-line trenches and be the first to dash forward to annihilate and wipe out the enemies, and fly the Supreme Commander’s flag that shines the marshal’s starlight and the flag of the Republic high on the ridge of Jeju Island’s Mt Hanna.
Kang Ji Yong, director of the Secretariat of the Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of the Fatherland, noted that the Supreme Command spokesman’s statement is a firm statement of the revolutionary strong army of Mt Paektu for the final victory in the great DPRK-US confrontation that has continued across a century.
The reckless behavior of the puppet army warmongers, who are unchangingly rushing about now saying they will join in with their US master’s plot for a war of northward aggression and make a “first strike” on us, is truly absurd.
The unlimited, powerful strength of our revolutionary armed force, which has entered on an all- war of confrontation according to the operations plan finally signed by the respected and beloved comrade Supreme Commander, is exploding awesomely.
The South Korean puppets, who are utterly destroying North-South relations as the colonial lackeys of the US imperialists and even bringing the calamity of nuclear war to this land without hesitation, will come to clearly know how bitter is the price for being the puppet of outside forces and betraying the nation.
For the diabolical anti-reunification traitors who cruelly mutilated the brethrens’ earnest yearning for reunification, there can be not a shred of mercy.
Get ready, puppet Defense Minister Kim Kwan-jin and Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Jeong Seung-jo , the traitors who are desperately running about to harm fellow countrymen with the backing of outside forces.
The traitors will have to pay a hundred-fold and thousand-fold price for viciously opposing the nation’s reconciliation, unity, and reunification up to now and engaging in confrontation racket.
The DPRK conducted its third nuclear test in the late morning of 12 February (Tuesday). The first indication of the third experimental detonation was a seismic event with its epicenter on the premises of the DPRK’s nuclear test facility near P’unggye-ri, Kilchu County, North Hamgyo’ng Province. The seismic event was later identified in South Korea media reporting as a “man-made earthquake” and had an estimate magnitude between 4.7 and. 5.2. According to a preliminary analysis by the South Korean [ROK] government the nuclear test of between six (6) and seven (7) kilotons. According to a public health official in Primorsky Krai, the Russian administrative district that borders the DPRK, there were no increased raditation levels and “everything is normal and (the levels) correspond to the natural background.” It remains to be seen whether the DPRK tested a plutonium or uranium device.
Hours after media reports on the seismic event in North Hamgyo’ng Province, DPRK state media released a report in which it said “the scientific field for national defense of the DPRK succeeded in the third underground nuclear test at the site for underground nuclear test in the northern part of the DPRK on Tuesday.” According to KCNA’s report on the nuclear test:
The scientific field for national defence of the DPRK succeeded in the third underground nuclear test at the site for underground nuclear test in the northern part of the DPRK on Tuesday.
The test was carried out as part of practical measures of counteraction to defend the country’s security and sovereignty in the face of the ferocious hostile act of the U.S. which wantonly violated the DPRK’s legitimate right to launch satellite for peaceful purposes.
The test was conducted in a safe and perfect way on a high level with the use of a smaller and light A-bomb unlike the previous ones, yet with great explosive power. It was confirmed that the test did not give any adverse effect to the surrounding ecological environment.
The specific features of the function and explosive power of the A-bomb and all other measurements fully tallied with the values of the design, physically demonstrating the good performance of the DPRK’s nuclear deterrence that has become diversified.
The nuclear test will greatly encourage the army and people of the DPRK in their efforts to build a thriving nation with the same spirit and mettle as displayed in conquering space, and offer an important occasion in ensuring peace and stability in the Korean Peninsula and the region.
DPRK state media also released a statement from the country’s Foreign Ministry which described the test as “a resolute step for self-defense taken by it to cope with the U.S. hostile act against it” and said that the “main objective of the current nuclear test is to express the surging resentment of the army and people of the DPRK at the U.S. brigandish hostile act and demonstrate the will and capability of Songun Korea to defend the sovereignty of the country to the last”:
The DPRK’s third nuclear test is a resolute step for self-defence taken by it to cope with the U.S. hostile act against it.
Its successful launch of satellite Kwangmyongsong 3-2 in December last year was a peaceful one from A to Z which was conducted according to its plan for scientific and technological development for economic construction and the improvement of the standard of people’s living.
The world including hostile countries recognized its application satellite’s entry into orbit and greatly admired its development of space technology.
The U.S., however, again prodded the UN Security Council into cooking up a new “resolution on sanctions” against the DPRK, terming its satellite launch a violation of the UNSC’s “resolution”.
Encroaching upon the right to satellite launch is an unpardonable grave hostile act as it is an infringement on the DPRK’s sovereignty.
By origin, the DPRK had neither need nor plan to conduct a nuclear test.
The DPRK’s nuclear deterrence has already acquired the trustworthy capability strong enough to make a precision strike at bases for aggression and blow them up at a single blow no matter where they are on the earth.
It was the DPRK’s goal to focus efforts on economic construction and the improvement of the standard of people’s living by dint of nuclear deterrence for self-defence provided by the great Generalissimos Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il all their lives.
The DPRK exercised its maximum self-restraint when the U.S. fabricated the “presidential statement” over its satellite launch for peaceful purposes by abusing the UNSC in April last year.
But the DPRK’s patience reached its limit as the U.S. intensified such hostile act as implementing before anyone else the UNSC’s “resolution on sanctions”, far from apologizing for its renewed wanton violation of the DPRK’s right to satellite launch.
The main objective of the current nuclear test is to express the surging resentment of the army and people of the DPRK at the U.S. brigandish hostile act and demonstrate the will and capability of Songun Korea to defend the sovereignty of the country to the last.
The DPRK’s nuclear test is a just step for self-defence not contradictory to any international law.
The U.S. has long put the DPRK on the list of preemptive nuclear strike.
It is quite natural just measure for self-defence to react to the U.S. ever-increasing nuclear threat with nuclear deterrence.
The DPRK withdrew from the NPT after going through legitimate procedures and chose the way of having access to nuclear deterrence for self-defence to protect the supreme interests of the country.
There have been on the earth more than 2 000 nuclear tests and at least 9 000 satellite launches in the UN history spanning over 60 years but there has never been a UNSC resolution on banning any nuclear test or satellite launch.
It is the U.S. that has conducted more nuclear tests and launched more satellites than any others. It, however, cooked up the UNSC’s “resolution” banning only the DPRK’s nuclear test and satellite launch. This is the breach of international law and the height of double standards.
Had the UNSC been impartial even a bit, it would not have taken issue with a sovereign state’s exercise of the right to self-defence and its scientific and technological activities for peaceful purposes but with the U.S. policy for preemptive nuclear strike, a threat to global peace and security, to begin with.
The current nuclear test is the primary countermeasure taken by the DPRK in which it exercised its maximum self-restraint.
If the U.S. takes a hostile approach toward the DPRK to the last, rendering the situation complicated, it will be left with no option but to take the second and third stronger steps in succession.
The inspection of ships and maritime blockade touted by the hostile forces will be regarded as war actions and will invite the DPRK’s merciless retaliatory strikes at their strongholds.
The U.S., though belatedly, should choose between the two options: To respect the DPRK’s right to satellite launch and open a phase of detente and stability or to keep to its wrong road leading to the explosive situation by persistently pursuing its hostile policy toward the DPRK.
In case the U.S. chooses the road of conflict finally, the world will clearly see the army and people of the DPRK defend its dignity and sovereignty to the end through a do-or-die battle between justice and injustice, greet a great revolutionary event for national reunification and win a final victory.
The KCNA report and DPRK Foreign Ministry Statement were echoed in remarks made by the 1st Secretary of the DPRK Mission to the UN Geneva, Jon Yong Ryong said “The US and their followers are sadly mistaken if they miscalculate the DPRK (North Korea) would accept the entirely unreasonable resolutions against it. The DPRK will never be bound to any resolutions. Jon also said the nuclear test will “greatly encourage the army and the people of the DPRK in their efforts to build a thriving nation… and offers an important occasion in ensuring peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and the region.” Jon also said “”the prospect for the denuclearisation of the Korean peninsula has become gloomier due to the US hostile policies to the DPRK that have become ever more pronounced” and that if the “EU truly wants peace and stability on the Korean peninsula, it should urge the US first to terminate its hostile policy towards the DPRK on an impartial basis.”
In Beijing the PRC Foreign Ministry released a statement which said the Chinese government was ”strongly dissatisfied with” and “firmly opposed to” the DPRK’s third nuclear test. The statement also urged “the DPRK to honor its commitment to denuclearization and refrain from any move that may further worsen the situation. To safeguard peace and stability on the Peninsula and in Northeast Asia serves the common interests of all parties.” The PRC Foreign Ministry also announced that it summoned DPRK Ambassador to China Ji Jae Ryong to “lodge a solemn representation.”
The Japanese Government convened an emergency meeting and Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said the test “is a grave threat to our nation’s safety and cannot be tolerated as it will significantly damage international society’s peace and safety.”
The Russian Foreign Ministry issued a statement in which “we insist that North Korea should stop illegal actions, strictly fulfil all requirements of the UN Security Council, fully abandon missile and nuclear programs, return to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the IAEA comprehensive guarantees” and “calls on all interested parties to show restraint and plans together with other six-party negotiators not to ease up in efforts towards normalization of the situation on the peninsula through political and diplomatic means.” The statement also said, “Only so and no other way North Korea will be able to pull out from effective international isolation, which will open the door to international cooperation in different directions without exclusion of peaceful atom and space. We are confident that this path meets interests, first of all, of North Korea itself.”
On 6 February Russian Ambassador to the DPRK Alexandr Timonin told Interfax, “As before, our country advocates the continuation of the search for political and diplomatic ways to stabilize the situation in the Northeast Asia and will do its best to facilitate the creation of favourable conditions for resuming the six-party talks on the nuclear problem in the Korean peninsula. In this respect, it is extremely important that all interested parties do not commit actions capable to aggravate the situation in the Korean peninsula and lead to a new arms race.”
The United Nations Security Council [UNSC], of which South Korea holds the monthly rotating presidency, held an emergency meeting on 12 February which “strongly condemned” the third test. According to the UNSC’s statement:
The members of the Security Council held urgent consultations to address the serious situation arising from the nuclear test conducted by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.
The members of the Security Council strongly condemned this test, which is a grave violation of Security Council resolution 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009) and 2087 (2013), and therefore there continues to exist a clear threat to international peace and security.
The members of the Security Council recalled that in January, they unanimously adopted resolution 2087 (2013), which expressed the Council’s determination to take “significant action” in the event of a further Democratic People’s Republic of Korea nuclear test.
In line with this commitment and the gravity of this violation, the members of the Security Council will begin work immediately on appropriate measures in a Security Council resolution.
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon “strongly” condemned the 12 February nuclear test and described it as “ clear and grave violation of the relevant Security Council resolutions” and said that Ban is “gravely concerned about the negative impact of this deeply destabilizing act on regional stability as well as the global efforts for nuclear non-proliferation”:
The Secretary-General condemns the underground nuclear weapon test conducted by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) today. It is a clear and grave violation of the relevant Security Council resolutions.
It is deplorable that Pyongyang defied the strong and unequivocal call from the international community to refrain from any further provocative measures. The Secretary-General had repeatedly called on the new leadership in Pyongyang to address international concerns and start building confidence with neighbouring countries and the international community.
The Secretary-General is gravely concerned about the negative impact of this deeply destabilizing act on regional stability as well as the global efforts for nuclear non-proliferation. He once again urges the DPRK to reverse course and work towards de-nuclearization of the Korean peninsula.
The Secretary-General is confident that the Security Council will remain united and take appropriate action. In the meantime, the Secretary-General remains in close contact with all concerned parties and stands ready to assist their efforts.
The head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, Yukiya Amano, “expressed deep regret” about the nuclear test and “strongly urged the DPRK to fully implement all relevant UN Security Council resolutions and all relevant IAEA Board of Governors resolutions.” According to a brief statement Amano said, “I understand that the DPRK announced it had carried out a third test of a nuclear weapon, despite calls from the international community not to do so. This is deeply regrettable and is in clear violation of UN Security Council resolutions. The IAEA remains ready to contribute to the peaceful resolution of the DPRK nuclear issue by resuming its nuclear verification activities in the country as soon as the political agreement is reached among countries concerned.”
Institutions and power organizations involved in the 12 February 2013 (abridged edition)
The 12 February 2013 nuclear test was the culmination of activity within departments, offices, sections and units of the Korean Workers’ Party [KWP], the DPRK Government and the Korean People’s Army [KPA]. The third nuclear test was authorized through government channels by the DPRK National Defense Commission [NDC] and through party channels during an expanded meeting of the Party Central Military Commission [CMC] on 3 February 2013. Kim Jong Un’s last reported public appearance was at the expanded CMC meeting. Like the 12 December 2012 launch of the U’nha-3 rocket, the experimental detonation was a combined effort of scientists and technicians (who typically work for party and government agencies) and elements of the KPA. Personnel involved in each phase of the nuclear test would interface with Kim Jong Un and other core leadership through the KWP Machine Building Industry Department’s deputy (vice) director Hong Sung Mu and the KWP Organization Guidance Department [OGD]. When Kim Jong Il was alive, the nuclear weapons program was commanded directly by KJI through a former Kim Il Sung University professor So Sang Kuk, who held the position of OGD deputy (vice) director and worked in KJI’s office.
Information about the DPRK’s strategic weapons program in general, and its testing of nuclear weapons in particular, is speculative and contradictory. However, there are some key organizations that would have been involved in the actual nuclear test. The nuclear test was conducted by elements of the KPA General Staff’s Nuclear-Chemical, Ordnance and Communications Bureaus working in cooperation with personnel from the 5th Bureau of the Second Economy Commission [SEC], the 2nd National Academy of Sciences [SANS] and the Nuclear Bureau. According to some researchers, the Nuclear Bureau is part of the KWP Machine-Building Industry Department (formerly known as the KWP Munitions Industry Department), however other sources says that the Nuclear Bureau was subordinated directly to the NDC, after it was bureaucratically migrated from the KWP along with SANS. SANS personnel would have been involved in the nuclear physics, engineering and other technical aspects of the test, while the 5th Bureau of the SEC would have been involved in production of the nuclear device (as well as preliminary high explosive testing). The construction of the detonation area and tunnels may have been conducted by a Ministry of People’s Security [MPS] engineering unit or a specialized construction unit of the KPA. Support roles would have been played by the KPA General Logistics Department (subordinate to the Ministry of People’s Armed Forces [MPAF]) and for mission security by elements of the Military Security Command [MSC] and the Ministry of State Security’s Defense Industry Security Bureau, possibly augmented by personnel of the Guard Command.
Leadership Activities Prior to 12 February 2013 nuclear test
On 12 February, DPRK state media reported that a meeting of the KWP Political Bureau convened on 11 February (Monday). Kim Jong Un was not reported to have attended. The Political Bureau meeting passed a lengthy decision to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the end of active hostilities of the Fatherland Liberation (Korean) War and the 65th anniversary of the DPRK’s foundation. However, the Political Bureau meeting was most likely the forum at which the central leadership was formally notified of an impending third nuclear test.
Kim Jong Un’s last public appearance was reported on 3 February 2012 and was his chairing and attending the expanded CMC meeting. Prior to the CMC meeting, KJU attended a commemorative photo-op with participants of the 4th Meeting of Party Cell Secretaries. Notable members of his entourage at the photo-op were VMar Kim Yong Chun and Gen. O Kuk Ryol, two of the KPA’s key senior officials tied to the DPRK’s nuclear weapons program. Interestingly, VMar Kim and Gen. O were part of a personnel shake-up of the KPA’s high command in February 2009, three months prior to the May 2009 nuclear test. At that time, Gen. O was appointed Vice Chairman of the NDC and VMar Kim was appointed Minister of the People’s Armed Forces. VMar Kim was later replaced as minister and appointed director of the KWP Civil Defense Department, which has a major public safety function during a nuclear test. Also in February 2009, Kim Kyok Sik was replaced as Chief of the KPA General Staff by Ri Yong Ho. Ri was later famously dismissed in July 2012, but Kim Kyok Sik resurfaced in a senior position when he was appointed Minister of the People’s Armed Forces in November 2012, approximately three months ahead of the 12 February 2013 nuclear test.
KJU’s lack of public activity contrasts with Kim Jong Il’s (his father) public appearances prior to the second nuclear test on 25 May 2009. On 23 May 2009, DPRK state media reported that the late KJI inspected revolutionary historical sites in Yo’nsa County, North Hamgyo’ng Province, located 65 km (40 miles) from the P’unggye-ri test site. On the day of the test, KJI was reported to have attended a concert given by the Persimmon Tree (kamnamu) Company of the KPA. State media did not disclose where the concert took place, making it likely that KJI watched the concert in Pyongyang or at the Persimmon Tree Company’s headquarters in Kangwo’n Province.
Yonhap News Agency,citing anonymous South Korean [ROK] government sources, reported on 12 February (Tuesday) that personnel and equipment may have been pulled out of the area close to the DPRK’s nuclear test site in P’unggye-ri, Kilchu County, North Hamgyo’ng Province. According to Yonhap ”no movement of manpower and equipment has been observed since Friday [8 February] at the country’s Punggye-ri nuclear test site.” An unnamed official said “When manpower and equipment are withdrawn, it can be an indication that a nuclear test is imminent. We’re watching the developments closely to know whether a nuclear test is imminent or it’s another deceptive tactic.” This follows another report in South Korean media that while the date of a nuclear test “still remains unclear, with the tension expected to enter the most critical phase this week, a senior official in Seoul said Monday [11 February]” and this week will be “the most critical point.”
Speculation among South Korean officials and experts about a forthcoming nuclear test occurred after an 8 February 2013 essay appeared in DPRK media outlet T’ongil Sinbo said that “the United States and hostile forces, based on their own hypothesis and arguments, jumped to the conclusion that the Republic would conduct a ‘third nuclear test,’ and they are prattling that if this were to become a reality, they should not only impose ‘high-intensity sanctions’ but even mount a ‘preemptive attack’” and “The United States and hostile forces’ reasoning behind “the nuclear threat of the North” is brigandish sophistry coercing unconditional submission and surrender, as it argues that the nuclear weapons possessed by the Republic constitute some kind of ‘threat,’ though they are for the purpose of defending the dignity and sovereignty of the nation and the peace and security of this land by boldly countering the United States’ threat of war of northward aggression and nuclear threat that are becoming more undisguised with each passing day. This does not work on the Republic, though its pawns may take it seriously.”
South Korean government officials described the T’ongil Sinbo essay as “a distraction tactic.” Other North Korea experts said that “that Pyongyang plans to check Washington and Beijing’s responses to its changed rhetoric in order to consider additional options” and quoted Professor Kim Yong-hyun of the North Korean Studies Department at Dongguk University who said “North Korea could show the international community its new uranium enrichment facility in order to boast its nuclear capabilities that have grown considerably.”
According to FNK, road closures and blockages were put in place on 5 February. Roads to and around P’unggye-ri were closed to vehicular and human traffic indefinitely and prevented DPRK citizens from traveling from North Hamgyo’ng Province to Paegam County, Ryanggang Province. Personnel from the Military Security Command wearing armbands “are guarding the roads, showing no sign of allowing passage no matter how one pleads one’s case.” FNK‘s source recalled security precautions prior to the October 2006 nuclear test saying the roads “were completely blocked from 7 to 20 October during the nuclear test conducted in October 2006. People who are stranded, unable to come and go, are worried about ‘how their families waiting at home would manage to live if movement of the populace is restricted for 15 days like the time of the last test’.” The FNK source also noted that “bribes that worked with soldiers and security officials enforcing control and restriction in the past proved to be ineffective this time, leaving one to only wait with nothing to be done.”