To mark the 53rd anniversary of Military-First (So’ngun) Revolutionary Leadership, DPRK state media aired another installment of the documentary film series General Kim Jong Il’s Matchless Patriotic Defense of the Country. The film splices together a variety of footage of Kim Jong Il (Kim Cho’ng-il) conducting field inspections of Korean People’s Army [KPA] units, KPA economic activity and arms and munitions factories. During scenes of his visits to arms factories, Kim Jong Il is shown touring an unknown weapons production facility during the early 2000s. In the scene KJI is shown standing next to a Nodong medium-range ballistic missile on a TEL (transporter-erector-launcher). Footage from the same visit also shows what is possibly the fabled KN-08 road mobile intercontinental ballistic missile. It is not clear where this visit occurred, although possibilities include one of the machine factories in Jagang (Chagang) Province, a building at the Sanum-dong Research Facility in northern Pyongyang, the Tae-sung Machine Factory outside Namp’o or some other factory under the Second Economy Commission (Second Economic Committee) or the Second Academy of Natural Sciences.
Ju Sang Song (Chu Sang-so’ng), who served as Minister of People’s Security from 2004 to 2011, appeared on Korean Central Television [KCTV] evening news on 26 July visiting the Revolutionary Martyrs’ Cemetery on Mt. Taeso’ng in Pyongyang with other veterans of the Fatherland Liberation War (Korean War). Previously a four-star general (taejang), Ju appeared on the news wearing two stars on his shoulder board indicating he now holds the rank of Lieutenant General (chungjang). According to a 29 July report by Yonhap during the news broadcast, Ju is seen talking with other veterans in front of the memorials to Choe Hyon and Ryu Kyong Su. Ju joined the Korean People’s Army [KPA] in June 1951, after the outbreak of the Korean War, and later attended Kim Il Sung Military Academy. Ju held a number command positions in the KPA’s ground forces and was appointed to his first political office when he was elected an alternate (candidate) member of the Korean Workers’ Party [KWP] Central Committee at the 5th Party Congress in November 1970. He was later removed as Party Central Committee Alternate. In 1997, Ju Sang Song was appointed commander of the IV Army Corps and in 2004 he was appointed Minister of People’s Security. In April 2009 Ju was elected a member of the DPRK National Defense Commission and in September 2010 was elected a full member of the Party Central Committee and a full member of the KWP Political Bureau.
In March 2011 he was removed from office as the Minister of People’s Security and an NDC Member due to what the NDC said was ill health. Somereports claimed that Ju was dismissed because he did not demonstrate the proper concern and vigilance in investigating and arresting university students who allegedly vandalized the birthplace and childhood home of the late DPRK President and founder, Kim Il Sung, in Mangyo’ngdae. Yonhap, citing anonymous ROK government sources, reports that he “was dismissed for accepting bribes” and ”being caught in individual corruption during the Workers Party organizational guidance division’s investigation.” According to Yonhap after his dismissal Ju Sang Song was assigned to work as the chief of people’s security in Taedong County, South P’yo’ngan Province, although it also noted that “it has not been verified which position Ju Sang Song is currently holding or whether he is receiving ‘veteran treatment’ after retiring.”
Ju Sang Song was not the only senior DPRK officials who was disappeared or dismissed to show up at the anniversary events held in late July. Attending the opening of the Fatherland Liberation War Martyrs’ Cemetery, held on 25 July, were former Minister of People’s Security (2011-2013) Gen. Ri Myong Su (who replaced Ju Sang Song), Senior Vice Minister of State Security Gen. U Tong Chuk and former Vice Minister of the People’s Armed Forces Gen. Pak Jae Gyong. Gen. Ri Myong Su also visited the Revolutionary Martyrs’ Cemetery, as did former chief of the KPA GeneralStaff Operations Bureau, Gen. Kim Myong Guk.
DPRK state media reported that Kim Jong Un (Kim Cho’ng-u’n) visited the Ku’msusan Memorial Palace of the Sun and attended a banquet on 25 April (Thursday), to mark the official 81st anniversary of the foundation Korean People’s Army [KPA]. KJU’s last reported public appearance was his attendance at a rally and military “march-past” on Ku’msusan Plaza. KJU first visited the preserved remains of his grandfather, late DPRK President and founder Kim Il Sung, and his father, late leader Kim Jong Il, at the Ku’msusan Memorial Palace.
He was accompanied by Kim Yong Nam (Supreme People’s Assembly [SPA] Presidium President), Pak Pong Ju (DPRK Cabinet Premier), VMar Choe Ryong Hae (Director of the KPA General Political Department), Jang Song Taek (Vice Chairman of the DPRK National Defense Commission [NDC]), Gen. Hyon Yong Chol (Chief of the KPA General Staff), Gen. Kim Kyok Sik (Minister of the People’s Armed Forces), Kim Kyong Hui (KWP Secretary and KJU’s aunt), Pak To Chun (KWP Secretary), VMar Kim Yong Chun (Vice Chairman of the NDC and Director of the KWP Civil Defense Department), VMar Ri Yong Mu (Vice Chairman of the NDC), VMar Hyon Chol Hae (1st Vice Minister of the People’s Armed Forces and Director of the KPA General Logistics Department), Gen. Kim Won Hong (Minister of State Security), Gen. O Kuk Ryol (Vice Chairman of the NDC), Col. Gen. Choe Pu Il (Minister of the People’s Security), Ju Kyu Chang (Director of the KWP Machine-Building Industry Department), Col. Gen. Kim Chang Sop (Director of the Ministry of State Security’s Political Bureau), Col. Gen. Ri Pyong Sam (Director of the Korean People’s Internal Security Forces Political Bureau) and “commanding officers of the WPK Central Military Commission, the National Defence Commission of the DPRK and the KPA.”
KJU and the KPA’s high command first visited a room containing statues of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il. Floral baskets from Kim Jong Un, the Party Central Committee the Party Central Military Commission and the NDC were placed in front of the statues. KJU then visited the rooms containing the preserved remains of his grandfather and father where he “made bows. . .in the humblest reverence,” according to KCNA.
Kim Jong Un also attended a banquet hosted by the NDC at Mokran (Moknan) House in central Pyongyang. Attending the banquet were “senior party, army and state officials, members of the WPK Central Military Commission and the NDC of the DPRK, commanding officers of the KPA, officials of the party and armed forces organs, ministries and national institutions and service personnel of the KPA and the Korean People’s Internal Security Forces” and “diplomatic envoys of foreign countries and military attaches of foreign embassies here and their spouses.” Before the banquet, the Moranbong Band gave a performance.
After the performance, a toast speech was delivered by Jang Song Taek (Chang So’ng-t’aek; Jang Song Thaek), Vice Chairman of the NDC, Director of the KWP Administration Department and Kim Jong Un’s uncle. According to KCNA, during his speech, Mr. Jang “paid highest tribute to the great Generalissimos Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il who strengthened the KPA into the matchless revolutionary army and led it to the road of victory and glory, breathing with arms all their lives” and that “upon the authorization of Marshal Kim Jong Un, supreme leader of our party and people and supreme commander of the KPA, he warmly congratulated the service personnel defending the sky, land and seas of the country as firm as a rock and all the people dynamically struggling to build a thriving nation.” Mr. Jang “noted that the revolutionary armed forces are ushering in the greatest heyday of their development as they are holding Kim Jong Un, who is identical to the Generalissimos, in high esteem as supreme commander” and he “stressed the need to steadily bolster nuclear force for self-defence both in quality and quantity and perform new miracles and feats in building a thriving socialist nation in the spirit of the historic March, 2013 Plenary Meeting of the Central Committee of the WPK.”
DPRK state media reported on 25 April (Thursday) that Kim Jong Un (Kim Cho’ng-u’n) attended a rally and “march-past” at Ku’msusan Plaza in Pyongyang to mark the official 81st anniversary of the foundation of the Korean People’s Army [KPA]. KJU’s last reported public appearance was his attendance at a concert by the U’nhasu Orchestra, given on Sun’s Day (Day of the Sun; Kim Il Sung’s birth anniversary). Joining Kim Jong Un on one platform were VMar Choe Ryong Hae (Director of the KPA General Political Department), Jang Song Taek (Vice Chairman of the DPRK National Defense Commission [NDC]), Gen. Hyon Yong Chol (Chief of the KPA General Staff), Gen. Kim Kyok Sik (Minister of the People’s Armed Forces), Pak To Chun (Korean Workers’ Party [KWP] Secretary), VMar Kim Yong Chun (Vice Chairman of the NDC and Director of the KWP Civil Defense Department),VMar Ri Yong Mu (Vice Chairman of the NDC), Gen. O Kuk Ryol (Vice Chairman of the NDC), VMar Hyon Chol Hae (1st Vice Minister of the People’s Armed Forces and Director of the KPA General Logistics Department), Gen. Kim Wo’n-hong (Minister of State Security [MSS]), Ju Kyu Chang (Director of the KWP Machine-Building Industry Department), Col. Gen. Kim Chang Sop (Director of the MSS Political Bureau), Col. Gen. Choe Pu Il (Minister of People’s Security [MPS]), Col Gen. Ri Pyong Sam (Director of the MPS Political Bureau), Gen. Ri Pyong Chol (Commander of the KPA Air and Anti-Air Command), Col. Gen. Kim Myong Sik (Commander of the KPA Navy) and Lt. Gen. Kim Rak Gyom (Commander of the KPA Strategic Rocket Force Command).
Watching the rally and demonstration from another platform were Supreme People’s Assembly [SPA] Presidium President Kim Yong Nam, DPRK Cabinet Premier Pak Pong Ju, KWP Secretary and Kim Family head Kim Kyong Hui, KWP Secretary and Director of the Propaganda and Agitation Department Kim Ki Nam, KWP Secretary and SPA Chairman Choe Tae Bok, SPA Presidium Vice President Yang Hyong Sop, DPRK Cabinet Vice Premier Kang Sok Ju, KWP Secretary and Director of the United Front Department Kim Yang Gon, KWP Secretary and Director of the International Affairs Department Kim Yong Il, KWP Secretary and Director of Cadres’ Affairs Kim P’yo’ng-hae, KWP Secretary and Director of Planning and Finance Kwak Pom Gi, 1st Vice (senior deputy) Director of the KWP Organization Guidance Department Jo Yon Jun, along with “vice-premiers of the Cabinet, diplomatic envoys of foreign countries and members of the military attaches corps here.” Watching the event were “officials of the party central leadership organ in Pyongyang, officials of the party and armed forces organs, working people’s organizations, ministries and national institutions, officers and men of the KPA and the Korean People’s Internal Security Forces, people from all walks of life, the chief of the Pyongyang mission of the Anti-Imperialist National Democratic Front and overseas Koreans.”
The anniversary event began with speakers, led off by VMar Choe Ryong Hae. According to KCNA, Choe said “the 80 odd year-long history of the KPA is one of glory in which it has steadily grown stronger as the main force for accomplishing the revolutionary cause of Chuch’e under the care of the peerlessly great men of Mt. Paektu and one of victory and feats in which it met every vicious challenge and shattered war provocation moves of the enemies and reliably defended the party, the leader, country and people” and he “expressed the pledge of all the service personnel to carry to completion the revolutionary cause of Juche that was started with arms in the forests of Mt. Paektu by taking the lead in upholding the leadership of the Supreme Commander as instructed by the great Generalissimos Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il.” KPA Navy Commander Kim Myong Sik said in his speech “even though the U.S. imperialist aggressors try to browbeat the DPRK with super-large carriers and nuclear-powered submarines, they will never evade the fate of the U.S. heavy cruiser Baltimore, which was buried at sea in waters off Jumunjin during the last Korean War, by the revolutionary armed forces of the DPRK equipped ultra-modern strike means” and that “seamen waiting for the time of a dueling battle will send to the bottom of the sea all the pirate ships of aggressors, once ordered, and turn the South Sea of Korea into the burial sea of the enemies.”
KPA Air and Anti-Air Force Commander Ri Pyong Chol said “the men of his force are waiting for a final attack order to put an end to the enemies, with firm determination to devotedly safeguard the Party Central Committee headed by Kim Jong Un and the Ku’msusan Palace of the Sun” and that “the flying corps of a-match-for-a hundred stalwart pilots, once given a sortie order, will load nuclear bombs, instead of fuel for return, and storm enemy strongholds to blow them up.” Strategic Rocket Force Commander Kim Rak Gyom said “the DPRK’s inter-continental ballistic missiles have already set the dens of the brigandish U.S. imperialists as their first target and officers and men of the Strategic Rocket Force are one click away from pushing the launch button. If the U.S. imperialists and their followers dare make a preemptive attack, they will be made to keenly realize what a real nuclear war and real retaliatory blows are like and their stooges be made to feel the taste of horrible nuclear holocaust.”
Following the speeches, KPA units marched past Kim Jong Un. According to KCNA KJU “saluted the columns marching past the tribune of honor in fine array.” The event also included a fly-over by KPA Air and Anti-Air Forces jets.
On 5 March DPRK state media released a documentary film which compiled film footage of Kim Jong Un (Kim Cho’ng-u’n) inspecting Korean People’s Army [KPA] units, observing training exercises and visiting construction projects utilizing KPA personnel from his accession in January 2012 to live fire exercises in 2013. Loosely translated as Unleashing a New Heyday of the Formidable Forces of Mt. Paektu, the 80 minute film consists mainly of footage that has previously appeared in short documentaries about KJU’s activities. Aside from a few new, brief scenes of KJU talking with note taking senior officials, the films includes footage of the expanded meeting of the Korean Workers’ Party Central Military Commission [CMC] meeting held late in the afternoon on 3 February 2013. The meeting was a key event preceding the DPRK’s third nuclear test on 12 February 2013. The CMC meeting ended with Kim Jong Un, assisted by Chief of the KPA General Staff Hyon Yong Chol, giving meeting participants handguns in presentation boxes.
The film also included footage of another expanded meeting of the Party Central Military Commission, held between February and March 2012. This would have been a key event preceding the 13 April 2012 launch of the U’nha-3 rocket, which crashed shortly after it was launched. Unlike the February 2013 CMC meeting, KWP civilian officials are attired in KPA dress uniforms. Based on the protocol from the February ’13 meeting, it is likely then-Chief of the KPA General Staff, VMar Ri Yong Ho, participated in the handgun presentation ceremony at the meeting’s conclusion, however VMar Ri is not shown in this film.
The DPRK conducted its third nuclear test in the late morning of 12 February (Tuesday). The first indication of the third experimental detonation was a seismic event with its epicenter on the premises of the DPRK’s nuclear test facility near P’unggye-ri, Kilchu County, North Hamgyo’ng Province. The seismic event was later identified in South Korea media reporting as a “man-made earthquake” and had an estimate magnitude between 4.7 and. 5.2. According to a preliminary analysis by the South Korean [ROK] government the nuclear test of between six (6) and seven (7) kilotons. According to a public health official in Primorsky Krai, the Russian administrative district that borders the DPRK, there were no increased raditation levels and “everything is normal and (the levels) correspond to the natural background.” It remains to be seen whether the DPRK tested a plutonium or uranium device.
Hours after media reports on the seismic event in North Hamgyo’ng Province, DPRK state media released a report in which it said “the scientific field for national defense of the DPRK succeeded in the third underground nuclear test at the site for underground nuclear test in the northern part of the DPRK on Tuesday.” According to KCNA’s report on the nuclear test:
The scientific field for national defence of the DPRK succeeded in the third underground nuclear test at the site for underground nuclear test in the northern part of the DPRK on Tuesday.
The test was carried out as part of practical measures of counteraction to defend the country’s security and sovereignty in the face of the ferocious hostile act of the U.S. which wantonly violated the DPRK’s legitimate right to launch satellite for peaceful purposes.
The test was conducted in a safe and perfect way on a high level with the use of a smaller and light A-bomb unlike the previous ones, yet with great explosive power. It was confirmed that the test did not give any adverse effect to the surrounding ecological environment.
The specific features of the function and explosive power of the A-bomb and all other measurements fully tallied with the values of the design, physically demonstrating the good performance of the DPRK’s nuclear deterrence that has become diversified.
The nuclear test will greatly encourage the army and people of the DPRK in their efforts to build a thriving nation with the same spirit and mettle as displayed in conquering space, and offer an important occasion in ensuring peace and stability in the Korean Peninsula and the region.
DPRK state media also released a statement from the country’s Foreign Ministry which described the test as “a resolute step for self-defense taken by it to cope with the U.S. hostile act against it” and said that the “main objective of the current nuclear test is to express the surging resentment of the army and people of the DPRK at the U.S. brigandish hostile act and demonstrate the will and capability of Songun Korea to defend the sovereignty of the country to the last”:
The DPRK’s third nuclear test is a resolute step for self-defence taken by it to cope with the U.S. hostile act against it.
Its successful launch of satellite Kwangmyongsong 3-2 in December last year was a peaceful one from A to Z which was conducted according to its plan for scientific and technological development for economic construction and the improvement of the standard of people’s living.
The world including hostile countries recognized its application satellite’s entry into orbit and greatly admired its development of space technology.
The U.S., however, again prodded the UN Security Council into cooking up a new “resolution on sanctions” against the DPRK, terming its satellite launch a violation of the UNSC’s “resolution”.
Encroaching upon the right to satellite launch is an unpardonable grave hostile act as it is an infringement on the DPRK’s sovereignty.
By origin, the DPRK had neither need nor plan to conduct a nuclear test.
The DPRK’s nuclear deterrence has already acquired the trustworthy capability strong enough to make a precision strike at bases for aggression and blow them up at a single blow no matter where they are on the earth.
It was the DPRK’s goal to focus efforts on economic construction and the improvement of the standard of people’s living by dint of nuclear deterrence for self-defence provided by the great Generalissimos Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il all their lives.
The DPRK exercised its maximum self-restraint when the U.S. fabricated the “presidential statement” over its satellite launch for peaceful purposes by abusing the UNSC in April last year.
But the DPRK’s patience reached its limit as the U.S. intensified such hostile act as implementing before anyone else the UNSC’s “resolution on sanctions”, far from apologizing for its renewed wanton violation of the DPRK’s right to satellite launch.
The main objective of the current nuclear test is to express the surging resentment of the army and people of the DPRK at the U.S. brigandish hostile act and demonstrate the will and capability of Songun Korea to defend the sovereignty of the country to the last.
The DPRK’s nuclear test is a just step for self-defence not contradictory to any international law.
The U.S. has long put the DPRK on the list of preemptive nuclear strike.
It is quite natural just measure for self-defence to react to the U.S. ever-increasing nuclear threat with nuclear deterrence.
The DPRK withdrew from the NPT after going through legitimate procedures and chose the way of having access to nuclear deterrence for self-defence to protect the supreme interests of the country.
There have been on the earth more than 2 000 nuclear tests and at least 9 000 satellite launches in the UN history spanning over 60 years but there has never been a UNSC resolution on banning any nuclear test or satellite launch.
It is the U.S. that has conducted more nuclear tests and launched more satellites than any others. It, however, cooked up the UNSC’s “resolution” banning only the DPRK’s nuclear test and satellite launch. This is the breach of international law and the height of double standards.
Had the UNSC been impartial even a bit, it would not have taken issue with a sovereign state’s exercise of the right to self-defence and its scientific and technological activities for peaceful purposes but with the U.S. policy for preemptive nuclear strike, a threat to global peace and security, to begin with.
The current nuclear test is the primary countermeasure taken by the DPRK in which it exercised its maximum self-restraint.
If the U.S. takes a hostile approach toward the DPRK to the last, rendering the situation complicated, it will be left with no option but to take the second and third stronger steps in succession.
The inspection of ships and maritime blockade touted by the hostile forces will be regarded as war actions and will invite the DPRK’s merciless retaliatory strikes at their strongholds.
The U.S., though belatedly, should choose between the two options: To respect the DPRK’s right to satellite launch and open a phase of detente and stability or to keep to its wrong road leading to the explosive situation by persistently pursuing its hostile policy toward the DPRK.
In case the U.S. chooses the road of conflict finally, the world will clearly see the army and people of the DPRK defend its dignity and sovereignty to the end through a do-or-die battle between justice and injustice, greet a great revolutionary event for national reunification and win a final victory.
The KCNA report and DPRK Foreign Ministry Statement were echoed in remarks made by the 1st Secretary of the DPRK Mission to the UN Geneva, Jon Yong Ryong said “The US and their followers are sadly mistaken if they miscalculate the DPRK (North Korea) would accept the entirely unreasonable resolutions against it. The DPRK will never be bound to any resolutions. Jon also said the nuclear test will “greatly encourage the army and the people of the DPRK in their efforts to build a thriving nation… and offers an important occasion in ensuring peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and the region.” Jon also said “”the prospect for the denuclearisation of the Korean peninsula has become gloomier due to the US hostile policies to the DPRK that have become ever more pronounced” and that if the “EU truly wants peace and stability on the Korean peninsula, it should urge the US first to terminate its hostile policy towards the DPRK on an impartial basis.”
In Beijing the PRC Foreign Ministry released a statement which said the Chinese government was ”strongly dissatisfied with” and “firmly opposed to” the DPRK’s third nuclear test. The statement also urged “the DPRK to honor its commitment to denuclearization and refrain from any move that may further worsen the situation. To safeguard peace and stability on the Peninsula and in Northeast Asia serves the common interests of all parties.” The PRC Foreign Ministry also announced that it summoned DPRK Ambassador to China Ji Jae Ryong to “lodge a solemn representation.”
The Japanese Government convened an emergency meeting and Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said the test “is a grave threat to our nation’s safety and cannot be tolerated as it will significantly damage international society’s peace and safety.”
The Russian Foreign Ministry issued a statement in which “we insist that North Korea should stop illegal actions, strictly fulfil all requirements of the UN Security Council, fully abandon missile and nuclear programs, return to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the IAEA comprehensive guarantees” and “calls on all interested parties to show restraint and plans together with other six-party negotiators not to ease up in efforts towards normalization of the situation on the peninsula through political and diplomatic means.” The statement also said, “Only so and no other way North Korea will be able to pull out from effective international isolation, which will open the door to international cooperation in different directions without exclusion of peaceful atom and space. We are confident that this path meets interests, first of all, of North Korea itself.”
On 6 February Russian Ambassador to the DPRK Alexandr Timonin told Interfax, “As before, our country advocates the continuation of the search for political and diplomatic ways to stabilize the situation in the Northeast Asia and will do its best to facilitate the creation of favourable conditions for resuming the six-party talks on the nuclear problem in the Korean peninsula. In this respect, it is extremely important that all interested parties do not commit actions capable to aggravate the situation in the Korean peninsula and lead to a new arms race.”
The United Nations Security Council [UNSC], of which South Korea holds the monthly rotating presidency, held an emergency meeting on 12 February which “strongly condemned” the third test. According to the UNSC’s statement:
The members of the Security Council held urgent consultations to address the serious situation arising from the nuclear test conducted by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.
The members of the Security Council strongly condemned this test, which is a grave violation of Security Council resolution 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009) and 2087 (2013), and therefore there continues to exist a clear threat to international peace and security.
The members of the Security Council recalled that in January, they unanimously adopted resolution 2087 (2013), which expressed the Council’s determination to take “significant action” in the event of a further Democratic People’s Republic of Korea nuclear test.
In line with this commitment and the gravity of this violation, the members of the Security Council will begin work immediately on appropriate measures in a Security Council resolution.
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon “strongly” condemned the 12 February nuclear test and described it as “ clear and grave violation of the relevant Security Council resolutions” and said that Ban is “gravely concerned about the negative impact of this deeply destabilizing act on regional stability as well as the global efforts for nuclear non-proliferation”:
The Secretary-General condemns the underground nuclear weapon test conducted by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) today. It is a clear and grave violation of the relevant Security Council resolutions.
It is deplorable that Pyongyang defied the strong and unequivocal call from the international community to refrain from any further provocative measures. The Secretary-General had repeatedly called on the new leadership in Pyongyang to address international concerns and start building confidence with neighbouring countries and the international community.
The Secretary-General is gravely concerned about the negative impact of this deeply destabilizing act on regional stability as well as the global efforts for nuclear non-proliferation. He once again urges the DPRK to reverse course and work towards de-nuclearization of the Korean peninsula.
The Secretary-General is confident that the Security Council will remain united and take appropriate action. In the meantime, the Secretary-General remains in close contact with all concerned parties and stands ready to assist their efforts.
The head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, Yukiya Amano, “expressed deep regret” about the nuclear test and “strongly urged the DPRK to fully implement all relevant UN Security Council resolutions and all relevant IAEA Board of Governors resolutions.” According to a brief statement Amano said, “I understand that the DPRK announced it had carried out a third test of a nuclear weapon, despite calls from the international community not to do so. This is deeply regrettable and is in clear violation of UN Security Council resolutions. The IAEA remains ready to contribute to the peaceful resolution of the DPRK nuclear issue by resuming its nuclear verification activities in the country as soon as the political agreement is reached among countries concerned.”
Institutions and power organizations involved in the 12 February 2013 (abridged edition)
The 12 February 2013 nuclear test was the culmination of activity within departments, offices, sections and units of the Korean Workers’ Party [KWP], the DPRK Government and the Korean People’s Army [KPA]. The third nuclear test was authorized through government channels by the DPRK National Defense Commission [NDC] and through party channels during an expanded meeting of the Party Central Military Commission [CMC] on 3 February 2013. Kim Jong Un’s last reported public appearance was at the expanded CMC meeting. Like the 12 December 2012 launch of the U’nha-3 rocket, the experimental detonation was a combined effort of scientists and technicians (who typically work for party and government agencies) and elements of the KPA. Personnel involved in each phase of the nuclear test would interface with Kim Jong Un and other core leadership through the KWP Machine Building Industry Department’s deputy (vice) director Hong Sung Mu and the KWP Organization Guidance Department [OGD]. When Kim Jong Il was alive, the nuclear weapons program was commanded directly by KJI through a former Kim Il Sung University professor So Sang Kuk, who held the position of OGD deputy (vice) director and worked in KJI’s office.
Information about the DPRK’s strategic weapons program in general, and its testing of nuclear weapons in particular, is speculative and contradictory. However, there are some key organizations that would have been involved in the actual nuclear test. The nuclear test was conducted by elements of the KPA General Staff’s Nuclear-Chemical, Ordnance and Communications Bureaus working in cooperation with personnel from the 5th Bureau of the Second Economy Commission [SEC], the 2nd National Academy of Sciences [SANS] and the Nuclear Bureau. According to some researchers, the Nuclear Bureau is part of the KWP Machine-Building Industry Department (formerly known as the KWP Munitions Industry Department), however other sources says that the Nuclear Bureau was subordinated directly to the NDC, after it was bureaucratically migrated from the KWP along with SANS. SANS personnel would have been involved in the nuclear physics, engineering and other technical aspects of the test, while the 5th Bureau of the SEC would have been involved in production of the nuclear device (as well as preliminary high explosive testing). The construction of the detonation area and tunnels may have been conducted by a Ministry of People’s Security [MPS] engineering unit or a specialized construction unit of the KPA. Support roles would have been played by the KPA General Logistics Department (subordinate to the Ministry of People’s Armed Forces [MPAF]) and for mission security by elements of the Military Security Command [MSC] and the Ministry of State Security’s Defense Industry Security Bureau, possibly augmented by personnel of the Guard Command.
Leadership Activities Prior to 12 February 2013 nuclear test
On 12 February, DPRK state media reported that a meeting of the KWP Political Bureau convened on 11 February (Monday). Kim Jong Un was not reported to have attended. The Political Bureau meeting passed a lengthy decision to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the end of active hostilities of the Fatherland Liberation (Korean) War and the 65th anniversary of the DPRK’s foundation. However, the Political Bureau meeting was most likely the forum at which the central leadership was formally notified of an impending third nuclear test.
Kim Jong Un’s last public appearance was reported on 3 February 2012 and was his chairing and attending the expanded CMC meeting. Prior to the CMC meeting, KJU attended a commemorative photo-op with participants of the 4th Meeting of Party Cell Secretaries. Notable members of his entourage at the photo-op were VMar Kim Yong Chun and Gen. O Kuk Ryol, two of the KPA’s key senior officials tied to the DPRK’s nuclear weapons program. Interestingly, VMar Kim and Gen. O were part of a personnel shake-up of the KPA’s high command in February 2009, three months prior to the May 2009 nuclear test. At that time, Gen. O was appointed Vice Chairman of the NDC and VMar Kim was appointed Minister of the People’s Armed Forces. VMar Kim was later replaced as minister and appointed director of the KWP Civil Defense Department, which has a major public safety function during a nuclear test. Also in February 2009, Kim Kyok Sik was replaced as Chief of the KPA General Staff by Ri Yong Ho. Ri was later famously dismissed in July 2012, but Kim Kyok Sik resurfaced in a senior position when he was appointed Minister of the People’s Armed Forces in November 2012, approximately three months ahead of the 12 February 2013 nuclear test.
KJU’s lack of public activity contrasts with Kim Jong Il’s (his father) public appearances prior to the second nuclear test on 25 May 2009. On 23 May 2009, DPRK state media reported that the late KJI inspected revolutionary historical sites in Yo’nsa County, North Hamgyo’ng Province, located 65 km (40 miles) from the P’unggye-ri test site. On the day of the test, KJI was reported to have attended a concert given by the Persimmon Tree (kamnamu) Company of the KPA. State media did not disclose where the concert took place, making it likely that KJI watched the concert in Pyongyang or at the Persimmon Tree Company’s headquarters in Kangwo’n Province.
update Choe Ryong Hae has seen his rank of KPA Vice Marshal (ch’asu) restored, based on Yonhap News Agency‘s Korean Central Television [KCTV] coverage of the MPA anniversary meeting, which was also reported in Daily NK. At public events in mid-December 2012 Choe was seen wearing four-stars on his uniform shoulder boards, indicating the rank of General (taejang) and a temporary demotion. It is not clear if another member of KPA high command, Hyon Yong Chol, has also been restored as Vice Marshal.
DPRK state media reported on 5 February (Tuesday) that the Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces [MPAF] held a meeting commemorating the 50th anniversary of a visit by the late DPRK founder and president Kim Il Sung (Kim Il-so’ng; KIS) and his son, late leader Kim Jong Il (Kim Cho’ng-il), to Mt. Taedok in South Hwanghae Province on 6 February 1963** at which KIS introduced the slogan “a match [one soldier] for a hundred” (a-match-for-a-hundred). Attending the anniversary meeting held at the 25 April House of Culture on Tuesday were VMar Choe Ryong Hae (Director of the Korean People’s Army [KPA] General Political Department), Gen. Hyon Yong Chol (Chief of the KPA General Staff), Gen. Kim Kyok Sik (Minister of the People’s Armed Forces), VMar Hyon Chol He (1st Vice Minister of the People’s Armed Forces and Director of the KPA General Logistics Department), other MPAF officials and KPA officers and service members.
Gen. Choe Ryong Hae delivered the meeting’s report in which he said “that the slogan whose justice and might have been clearly proved in army building and military activities is being successfully carried out under the Military-First (so’ngun) leadership of the dear respected Supreme Commander Kim Jong Un.” According to KCNA Choe “underscored the need to make the hot wind of intensive training sweep the army just as the anti-Japanese guerrillas did on Mt. Paektu, so as to prepare all the soldiers to be a-match-for-a- hundred combatants who have acquired Kim Il Sung-Kim Jong Il’s strategy and tactics, brave offensive mode and perfect capabilities for actual warfare” and said that “when Kim Jong Un gives his order, the KPA officers and soldiers should remove all the sources of aggression and evil, settle accounts with the U.S. the confrontation with which has lasted century after century and win a victory in the war for the country’s reunification without fail.” Choe also said said “the immortal flags bearing the beaming images of the Generalissimos flutter in the van and Kim Jong Un provides wise leadership, there will be only victory and glory for the KPA.”
KCNA issued a separate news item about the revolutionary historical site at Mt. Taedok and reported on Kim Jong Il visiting Mt. Taedok in 1996:”Kim Jong Il again visited the place in March 1996 and gave a machine gun, an automatic rifle and binoculars as gifts to the soldiers there who prepared themselves to be able to defeat any formidable enemy at one stroke by intensifying the combat and political training, true to the field instruction of the President.”
According to one of Kim Jong Il’s official biographies:
On February 6, 1963, he accompanied Kim Il Sung who was inspecting the frontline on Mt. Taedok. Notwithstanding the severe winter, Kim Il Sung inspected the unit and set forth the militant slogan, “a-match- for-a-hundred”. But the commanding officers of the unit failed to fathom the correct meaning of the slogan.
When he came to a trench on the peak, an officer of the unit reported to Kim Jong Il that they would be fully able to be a-match-for-a-hundred in a defensive battle if they built up their defence position and trained themselves relying on it, as Kim Il Sung had instructed. He understood the slogan only in terms of an immediate combat task for defence, instead of considering it as a new policy to be applied in the building of the army as a whole.
Grasping the weakness in his understanding, Kim Jong Il explained to him that the slogan contained the intention of Kim Il Sung to develop the KPA into a powerful revolutionary armed force which could defeat any enemy in any battle. He said:
“The slogan of a-match-for-a-hundred requires in essence that each soldier should be prepared to face a hundred enemies not only in defence but also in attack. You should not confine the content of the slogan only to defence. Each soldier of the People’s Army should become a match for a hundred in attack as well as in defensive battle.”
Kim Jong Il continued to say that the KPA is a revolutionary army with a noble aim; it had the tradition of the anti-Japanese armed struggle behind it, and each soldier would equal a hundred foes when he acquired the indomitable revolutionary spirit of the anti-Japanese guerrillas, their marksmanship, flexible tactics and sound physique.
He later visited several other units to help them train soldiers into combatants equal to face a hundred.
The MPAF or KPA would have convened a commemorative report meeting whether or not satellite image analysts discovered ongoing construction and preparatory activities at the nuclear test site in P’unggye-ri, Kilchu County, North Hamgyo’ng Province. However, DPRK state media activity published prior to the MPAF commemorative meeting referred to the Kim Jong Un’s (Kim Cho’ng-u’n) chairing and speaking at an expanded Party Central Military Commission [CMC] meeting, and to a meeting held the previous week that gathered functionaries of the country’s national security officials.
Choso’n Sinbo wrote on 4 February (Monday): “The Korean Central News Agency [KCNA] reported that “an important conclusion — which serves as the programmatic guidance in further strengthening the people’s army into an invincible Mt. Paektu revolutionary strong army of sure victory in defending the security and sovereignty of the country — has been drawn.” This important meeting attended by party CMC members and members of the Korean People’s Army command would have been a place for confirming the iron will of the army that will cope with the current situation” and about the national security functionaries’ meeting “The consultative meeting of functionaries in the state security and external affairs sectors, which was held after the adoption of the UN Security Council ‘resolution,’sought countermeasures that face up to the cold reality of the international community. According to the KCNA, the participants reconfirmed the fact that “although the concerned sides devoted efforts to fairly resolve the issue and to prevent the escalation of the situation, there is also a limit to their ability, as they themselves acknowledge.” The conclusion reached was that “our sovereignty should be defended only by our own strength.’”
The same Choso’n Sinbo piece referred to the nuclear issue, writing “The United States’ imperialistic nature has not changed. However, the security environment surrounding the Korean peninsula has greatly changed in the interim. The DPRK became a nuclear state. As of last year, the strategic missiles of the people’s army have been openly declared as even possessing the [capability] of having the US mainland within its bull’s-eye strike zone.The qualitative and quantitative expansion and reinforcement of national defense capabilities served as a decisive momentum for the DPRK in establishing a new perspective on the power structure of the world and the trend of the international situation.”
On 5 February, the same day as the MPAF commemorative report meeting, Rodong Sinmun published an essay titled “Nothing Can Keep Us From Moving Forward.” The essay began with “The Lee Myung-bak gang of traitors, which has escalated the state of tension on the Korean peninsula to extremes with anti-Republic ‘sanction’ commotion, has been desperately running amok while viciously picking a quarrel with our resolve for a just response to safeguard the sovereignty of the country, calling it ‘additional provocation’ and whatnot.” The RS essay also said “”In the meantime, the rabble of the puppet authorities, including the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, have staged a conspiracy bout against the Republic with their US and Japanese masters in order to pursue a new “resolution of sanctions against North Korea,” making absurd remarks about what is called “a halt to provocation” and ‘leading to grave results.’ This cannot but be a despicable act of provocation that is the same as a robber wielding his own lash of punishment.” Referring to ongoing joint US-ROK military drills and recent statements from the South Korea [ROK] government the essay said “However, this is a miscalculation. No matter how much the puppets mention ‘additional sanctions’ and make military threats by conspiring and colluding with the United States, nothing will change for us. To the contrary, the will of our army and people — that will achieve the historic cause of the fatherland’s reunification ahead of schedule by mercilessly crushing the challenge of hostile forces, while being confident of the correctness and final victory of our own cause — is becoming more resolute many times over now when the enemies are attacking us desperately.”
** 7 February was, for many years, the anniversary of the foundation of the Korean People’s Army. It was subsequently changed to 25 April.
DPRK state media reported on 3 February (Sunday) that Kim Jong Un chaired a meeting of the Korean Workers’ Party Central Military Commission [CMC], staff of the Korean People’s Army [KPA] Supreme Command, commanding officers of KPA large combined units (taeyonhap pudae), senior commanders of the KPA Navy, KPA Air and Anti-Air Forces and the KPA Strategic Rocket Force Command [SRFC]. KJU’s last reported public appearance was at a photo-op with participants of the 4th Meeting of Party Cell Secretaries. DPRK state media described it as an enlarged meeting of the CMC which “discussed the issue of bringing about a great turn in bolstering up the military capability, true to the Military-First (So’ngun) revolutionary leadership of the WPK, and an organizational issue.” According to KCNA the meeting was “held at an important time when a turning phase is being opened in building a thriving socialist nation and achieving the cause of national reunification will mark an important occasion in powerfully encouraging the army and people of the DPRK all out in the general advance of the new year full of conviction of certain victory and optimism and bolstering up the defence capability of the country in every way.”
At the meeting Kim Jong Un delivered a speech “which serves as guidelines for further strengthening the KPA into a matchless revolutionary army of Mt. Paektu and defending the security and sovereignty of the country as required by the WPK and the developing revolution.” After KJU’s speech, “the participants in the meeting extended highest glory and deepest thanks to Kim Jong Un, who is ushering in the greatest heyday of increasing the military capability with his extraordinary wisdom and stratagem, matchless grit and pluck and noble virtues and evinced their firm determination to unconditionally and thoroughly implement the militant tasks set forth by him in his speech.”
Unlike previous statements issued by the DPRK National Defense Commission [NDC], DPRK Ministry of Foreign Affairs and editorials and essays that appeared in state media outlets KCNA, Rodong Sinmun, or Minju Choson, this particular news item on the CMC meeting contained no overt references to “upcoming all-out action” or possible nuclear test activities. The report on the CMC meeting did note “an organizational issue” which may indicate personnel changes in the KPA high command or within the CMC itself. It should be noted that the CMC is one body (the NDC being in the other in joint coordination) which authorizes and has oversight over military industry production, research and development. If an experimental nuclear detonation is imminent at the test site at Punggye-ri in Kilchu County, North Hamgy’ong Province, this enlarged CMC meeting may represent formal authorization (“bolstering up the military capability” and ”increasing the military capability”) for the test to proceed.
DPRK state media reported on 29 January (Tuesday) that the 4th Meeting of Party Cell Secretaries closed. Kim Jong Un and other members of the central leadership attended. KJU’s last reported public appearance was at the opening day of the party cell secretaries meeting. KCNA reported that speakers on the second day of the meeting “were unanimous in praising the leadership feats of the peerlessly great persons of Mt. Paektu associated with their fields and units, and analyzed and reviewed achievements, experience and defects in their party work in the past” and “made pledges to glorify generation after generation the great Generalissimos Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il’s idea on party-building and their feats, bring about an epochal turn in the party work under the leadership of the dear respected Kim Jong Un and thus contribute to turning the party into an unbreakable integral whole with firm center of leadership and unity, a genuine mother party that is linked with the people through one blood vessel and a guiding force that leads the building of a thriving nation.”
During their visit to Pyongyang, according to KCNA, party cell secretaries visited the Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces, celebrated their birthdays with a banquet and performance and visited textile mills.
Speakers on the second day of the conference included:
- Jo Jong Suk, secretary of the party cell of the Management Station of Revolutionary Battle Site of Mt. Paektu
- Yun Yong Bok, secretary of the party cell of the Ministry of Physical Culture and Sports
- Yun In Dok, secretary of the party cell of North Hamgyong Provincial People’s Hospital
- Jang Myong Sok, chief secretary of the Sinchon County Party Committee
- Ri Man Gon, chief secretary of the North Phyongan Provincial Committee of the WPK
- Jong U Yong, secretary of the party cell of the Fourth Shop of the Pukchang Thermal Power Complex
- Yom Yong Gil, secretary of the branch party committee of the Tools Shop of the Pyongyang Textile Machine Factory
- Jong Kwang Bok, secretary of the party cell of the Rodong Sinmun
Kim Jong Un delivered a keynote address at the meeting. There were no nuclear invocations or martial rhetoric, but his remarks were a direct attack on corrupt mid-level party and government officials. His full speech, according to KCNA:
I think that the report to the Conference and speeches have properly reviewed the achievements, experiences and shortcomings in the work of Party cells of the past and I would like to refer to some problems arising in enhancing the functions and role of Party cells drastically in line with the requirements of our Party and the developing revolution.
Comrades, At present our revolution has entered a new turning phase.
Our Party, army and people have been united more closely under the immortal flags bearing the beaming images of President Kim Il Sung and General Kim Jong Il and are advancing straight along the road of independence, the road of Songun and the road of socialism true to their instructions.
We have firmly had in our hands the powerful assets and the key with which to win a greater victory by having steadily defended the precious revolutionary legacies the General bequeathed to us and adding brilliance to them despite trying ordeals and hardships.
In particular, the successful launch of artificial earth satellite Kwangmyo’ngso’ng 3-2 last year was a historic event that demonstrated the inexhaustible power of the powerful Mt. Paektu nation to the whole world and a mega event that dealt a crushing blow to hostile forces trying viciously to stifle our Republic.
Now we have taken the initiative more firmly in the face-off with the imperialists and it is a matter of time to bring about a turn in the building of an economic giant and the standard of the people’s living.
We should effect a radical turn in the economic construction and the people’s livelihoods in the spirit and mettle displayed in conquering outer space and fly the red flag of victory on the peak of a thriving socialist country.
To step up the building of a thriving country, we should further strengthen the Party, the general staff and guiding force of the revolution, organizationally and ideologically, rally all the people around it closely and mobilize them effectively to carry out its policies.
It is the nature and the traditional revolutionary mode of the great party of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il that the entire Party is bound together with a single ideology and purpose and the Party and people are pushing the revolution and construction in a harmonious whole.
The President and the General developed our Party into an invincible party in which the monolithic ideological system and the monolithic leadership system have been established firmly and which has taken root deep among the people and set up a prosperous and strong socialist country by relying on the revolutionary enthusiasm and creative strength of the people united rock-hard around the Party.
The red flag of our Party in which only victory and glory have been etched and the socialist gains achieved on this land are associated with the proud history of single-hearted unity in which the leader believed in the Party members and people and the Party members and people trusted him absolutely and supported him with loyalty.
We should take the undying exploits performed by the President and the General in Party building as an eternal treasure so as to further develop our Party into a powerful, militant general staff that is knitted closely together in a single ideology and purpose and takes root deep among the people and surely build the strongest country, the people’s paradise the world looks up to, on this land on the strength of the Party-people harmonious whole.
The position and role of Party cells are very important in strengthening our Party further and speeding up the building of a thriving country in line with the requirements of a new era of the Juche-based revolution.
Party cell is a base of the Party life for the Party members, the Party’s end nerve stretched out into the masses of the people and a scouting group in carrying out the Party’s policies.
When Party cells are strong the Party will never shake in any adversity and there will be nothing we are afraid of or we can not do.
As the consolidation of Party cells is the first step and the essential thing for strengthening the whole Party, the Party Central Committee has convened the Conference of Cell Secretaries as the first meeting for improving Party work since the Fourth Conference of the Workers’ Party of Korea and regards this Conference as important as a Party congress and conference.
In order to make the Fourth Conference of Cell Secretaries of the Workers’ Party of Korea a turning point in enhancing the Party’s militant might in every way and stepping up the building of a thriving country, the participants in the Conference and the cell secretaries of the whole Party should understand the Party’s intention clearly and improve the work of Party cells radically.
The most important task facing Party cells at present is to prepare the Party members as genuine Kimilsungists-Kimjongilists and true comrades and comrades-in-arms of our Party.
Preparing all the Party members as genuine Kimilsungists-Kimjongilists is a prerequisite and decisive guarantee for developing ours into the eternal party of the President and the General and winning the final victory in the building of a thriving country and the Juche-based revolution.
Kimilsungist-Kimjongilist means the soldier and follower loyal to the President and the General, who takes Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism as his firm faith and devotes his all to victory in the Juche- based revolution under the leadership of our Party.
Party cells should hold it as the main task to prepare the Party members as genuine Kimilsungists-Kimjongilists and provide scrupulous guidance to their organizational and ideological life in the Party.
They should undertake education in Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism substantially among the Party members so as to train them soundly into ardent revolutionary fighters who are thoroughly armed with the Juche idea and the Songun idea of our Party and are equipped with the spirit of safeguarding the leadership of the revolution at the cost of their lives, firm faith in socialism and steadfast class consciousness against imperialism.
Stalwart members of the Society for Rallying Comrades, the first organization of our Party, are the exemplars from whom all the Party members should learn.
Party cells should conduct education energetically so that all the Party members venerate the Party and the leader with absolute faith and pure conscience like our Party’s first-generation members including Cha Kwang Su and Kim Hyok and carry forward the tradition of single- hearted unity steadily.
A habit of leading a voluntary Party life on the basis of a high sense of organizational duty should be established in Party cells and the Party members should be trained in the furnace of the Party’s organizational life so that they become stout revolutionaries with boundless loyalty to the Party, leader, country and people and a strong sense of organization and discipline.
Particular attention should be paid to implanting the Party members with love for the people and spirit of serving them devotedly in preparing them as true Kimilsungists-Kimjongilists.
Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism is, in essence, the people-first doctrine and a person who worships the people as God and works devotedly for them is just a genuine Kimilsungist-Kimjongilist.
It is the firm determination of our Party to respect our people and devote everything to them as we hold the President and the General in high esteem.
The slogan “Everything for the people and everything by relying on them!” contains the Party’s will to fill the whole Party with love for and trust in the people.
All the officials and Party members should be genuine comrades and comrades-in-arms who steadily follow, together with our Party, the road of l ove for the people the President and the General had taken throughout their lives.
Party cells should implant their noble outlook on the people deep in the officials and Party members to make them serve and love the people like their parents, wives and children.
The Party cells to which officials belong, in particular, should take it as an important task to prepare them as the true servants of the people and enhance guidance over and control of their Party life.
From the very beginning after he founded our Party the President saw the abuse of power and bureaucratic practices manifested among officials as the most dangerous poison a working- class ruling party should guard against and ensured that a consistent struggle was waged against them.
The General put forward the slogan “We serve the people!” and devoted energy and soul to developing our Party into a motherly party serving the people faithfully, not a party that indulges in power abuse and bureaucracy.
However, whenever the Party underlined the need to eliminate the abuse of power and bureaucratic practices, Party organizations simply called meetings for criticizing ideological defects and punished some officials.
Then they did not make persevering efforts to transform officials on a revolutionary pattern.
Abuse of power and bureaucracy are not merely a matter of personal character or work style of officials, but a matter of their ideology.
When they abuse their power and work in a bureaucratic manner, officials will not merely lose their popularity among the masses and get a blot on their political integrity, but impair the Party’s authority and the prestige of socialism, which will end up leading the revolution and construction to ruin.
Today when the enemy is resorting to more vicious schemes to undermine the single-hearted unity between our Party and people, those who abuse their power and work in a bureaucratic manner are the major targets of criticism, those whom our Party should punish resolutely.
The Party Central Committee is firmly determined not simply to weed out but to root out the abuse of power and bureaucratic practices that are like the poisonous weeds sprouting on the garden of socialism centred on the masses of the people.
The campaign against power abuse and bureaucracy is a Party-wide undertaking in which all Party organizations and their members should turn out.
In order to eliminate the abuse of power and bureaucratic practices officials and cell secretaries should try hard to train themselves in a revolutionary way, and Party cells, to say nothing of the Party Central Committee, provincial, city and county Party committees and their primary organizations, should wage an intensive, principled struggle against power abuse and bureaucracy.
There are ranks in work, but there can never be members of high or low rank in the Party life and the double standards of discipline are never allowed in the Party.
Party cells should create a strict atmosphere of criticism and ideological campaign and intensify criticism from bottom up in particular to give comradely help to officials to eliminate the abuse of power and bureaucratic practices and prepare themselves as the true servants of the people.
Party cells should clearly distinguish between demands of officials and bureaucracy.
When abuse of power and bureaucratic practices are manifested among officials even in the slightest degree, they should not neglect them but wage a struggle against them promptly.
All Party cells should not be indifferent to the abuse of power and bureaucratic practices of the officials who do not belong to them but actively struggle against them; as for serious cases, they should report on them to higher Party organizations, including the Party Central Committee, before it is too late.
Another important task facing Party cells at present is to work with the masses properly so that broad segments of people establish a firm bond of kinship with our Party.
The masses are the grass-roots foothold the Party relies on and the eternal companions with whom our Party should share the destiny until the final victory will have been won in the revolution.
If the Party loses their support and trust it will lose its grass-roots basis, fail to fulfil its militant mission and in the end become unable to maintain its own existence.
If we are to defend socialism and build a thriving country amid the fierce showdown with the enemy and reunify the country, we should fully grasp the public sentiments and win over as many people as possible through efficient work with them.
As rallying broad masses of people around the Party is an important issue decisive of the destiny of the Party and revolution, an amnesty was proclaimed last year in the run-up to the 100th birthday of the President and the 70th birthday of the General.
It was ensured that most of the participants in the celebrations of the 66th anniversary of the Korean Children’s Union were the children of ordinary workers, farmers, service personnel and intellectuals, rather than those of cadres, and the children of those who committed offences against the country were not discriminated in being chosen as delegates if they were exemplary in study and organizational life of the Children’s Union.
The embrace that cares more for sick and wounded children, gives them love and affection, cures their sour wounds, helps them up and puts them forward again, instead of blaming them this is the embrace of our motherly Party.
We should train all the people to be strong in ideology and faith with great force produced by the motherly Party’s love and trust that are more powerful than nuclear weapons, thereby building rings of fortresses around the Party Central Committee.
All Party cells should work with the masses properly in keeping with our Party’s benevolent politics and all-embracing politics so that they shout “Long live the Workers’ Party!” even though they are left alone in out-of-the-way mountains.
Only then will all the people fight for the Party, the revolution and the country at the risk of their lives in a do-or-die war.
In order to conduct work with the masses effectively in line with the Party’s intention Party cells should assess the people properly in the interests of the revolution.
People have emotions and express their feelings differently according to their characters.
Party cells, guided by the General’s saying that they should know the real minds of people even though they do not know what there is in the fathomless water, should read the innermost thoughts of people and make an unbiased assessment of them.
They should not only stick to collective education but channel great efforts into individual education in educating the masses.
Party work, work with the masses, cannot be conducted with any formula or a single solution.
It is imperative to study appropriate methods of educating people of different characters and apply them to practice so as to make even one more person support the Party.
We should not indiscriminately discard people, even though they are unwilling to accept the Party’s ideas.
If so, it will result in a gradual decrease in the number of the people to be rallied around the Party.
Party cells should not cram the Party’s ideas into the heads of the masses, but educate them persuasively and perseveringly so that they would willingly accept the Party’s ideas.
It is very important to place trust in the people in winning over the masses. Political trust is followed by loyalty, but distrust produces betrayal.
As he is not a Buddhist image made of stone, man may make mistakes in his work and life and even commit unforgivable crimes.
No matter what serious mistakes or crimes he may make, and even though we find in him 99 per cent of demerits and only one per cent of merit or conscience, we should value his conscience, boldly t rust him and lead him to start with a clean slate.
People who have deep-seated mental agonies should be treated more kind-heartedly and particular attention should be paid to freeing them from worries lingering in their minds.
Only then can all the people be developed into indefatigable fighters who will only trust and follow our Party in any adversity, just like white gem that preserves its colour even if it is broken into pieces and bamboo that keeps its straightness even if it is burnt.
Our Party expects that all Party cells will become the blood vessels that link broad masses of the people with the Party with a feeling of kinship and the stones supporting the fortress of single-hearted unity.
Today when the general advance for building a thriving socialist country is gaining momentum, an important task facing Party cells is to actively mobilize the Party members and other working people to carry out the Party’s policies.
The most important revolutionary task facing our Party at present is to translate into brilliant reality the lofty wish of the General who continued super-intensity forced march energetically until the last moment of his life to bring all the benefits of socialism to our people.
In order to bring about a radical turn in the building of an economic giant and the standard of the people’s living, the Party organizations at all levels, Party cells in particular, should creditably play a role of the death-defying corps and scouting group in implementing the Party’s policies.
A Party cell that fails to work efficiently to carry out the Party’s policies cannot be said to be a living Party cell.
At present a great emphasis is put on establishing the monolithic leadership system in the entire Party more thoroughly; whether the Party’s monolithic leadership system is established finds concentrated expression in how the Party’s policies are implemented.
At present not a few Party cells are conducting their work in such a way as to transmit the Party’s policies and instructions to the people and exhort them to turn out for their implementation.
Then the Party’s policies, however correct they may be, cannot be carried out properly and the people’s livelihoods can never be improved.
Party cells should carry out the Party’s policies perseveringly till they pay off in the people’s livelihoods.
Now our officials hold that in order to ensure the Party’s authority it is important to publish a lot of books and intensify information work.
However, the Party’s leadership authority is not ensured by means of texts or words; it is possible only when the Party’s policies are carried out in a thoroughgoing way and people enjoy subsequent benefits.
Party cells should inspire all the Party members and officials to be a valuable foundation for translating the Party’s policies into reality with an unusual determination to sweat blood to improve the people’s living standards.
They should resolutely overcome the tendency to work like a flash in the pan in implementing the Party’s policies and carry them through to the end with unfailing efforts so that our Party’s policies prove to be effective in the people’s livelihoods.
To be the death-defying corps and scouting group in implementing the Party’s policies, Party cells should conduct organizational and political work in a progressive manner to raise a hot wind of Kim Jong Il’s patriotism to the full.
When the hearts of the people are beating vigorously with patriotism of the General who had burnt himself up like a candle for the sake of the country, there will be no difficulty we cannot surmount, nor will there be any fortress we cannot conquer.
Party cells should encourage the Party members and other working people to cherish Kim Jong Il’s patriotism in their minds and devote their heart and soul to carrying out the Party’s lines and policies, holding dear every stone and every blade of grass on this land and warming them up with their blood.
Today our Party requires creating a new spirit of the times advancing towards the world by restoring the fighting spirit in the 1970s when the drum of revolution resounded.
The creators of the spirit of the present times should naturally be produced among the officials and Party members who are the commanding personnel and vanguard fighters of the revolution.
When all the officials and Party members become a locomotive and a scout who plough their way through virgin snow in the van of their sectors and units, like those of the 1970s who had ushered in a heyday in the era of the Workers’ Party under the leadership of the General, leaps and innovations will be made in all posts and the overall affairs of the country will go smoothly.
The Party’s lines and policies can be implemented successfully when all the masses as well as Party members turn out.
Party cells should enlist Party members and the hardcore of the masses to make one person rouse ten others and ten a hundred again, and an innovation in a unit lead on to innovations in other units.
They should bring about a great innovation, a great leap forward racing against time on all fronts of building a socialist economic giant and a civilized nation by dynamically mobilizing workers, farmers, intellectuals and all other sections of people in carrying out the Party’s policies.
Special efforts should be channelled into work with young people in organizing and mobilizing the masses in implementing the Party’s policies.
Young people are vanguard fighters who have taken the lead in supporting the Party and leader in each period and stage of our revolution.
It was none other than young people who lit the torch of the great Chollima upsurge by exerting themselves with patriotism at the furnaces in Kangson in the postwar days and who wrought miracles in the Haeju-Hasong railway project.
Party cells should put forward the young people of new generation and lead them to give fullest play to their resources and gallantry to perform epoch-making heroic exploits in every field of building a thriving nation as their fathers and mothers did in their youth.
This is an age of science and technology, the age of knowledge-based economy, and the building of a prosperous country and its future are inconceivable apart from science and technology.
Party cells should render positive encouragement and sustaining assistance to scientists and technicians so that they raise the hot wind of breaking through the cutting edge as the space scientists who conquered space did.
And they should provide scrupulous Party guidance to ensure that officials, Party members and other working people find out a key to self-reliance and increased production in science and technology and that they try hard to learn advanced science and technology and solve all problems on the strength of science and technology.
By so doing, they should fan the flames of the industrial revolution in the new century and the campaign for breaking through the cutting edge, which the great General kindled, more fiercely in all sectors and units.
Cell secretaries should enhance their sense of responsibility and role in order for Party cells to discharge the heavy mission and duty they assume on behalf of the times and the revolution.
The combat efficiency of Party cells largely depends on the preparedness and role of cell secretaries.
Party cell secretaries are the point men of our Party in building it up and implementing its lines and policies.
When the cell secretaries of the whole Party become the standard-bearers of the revolution and struggle and discharge their responsibilities, Party cells will be consolidated and our revolution advance faster that much.
If Party cell secretaries are to fulfil their duty, they should be like the mother of a family.
The essence of the work of Party cell secretaries is to arouse people through efficient political work to move their hearts .
To this end, they should devote all their sincerity as mothers do to their children.
There is an impressive passage in song “The Voice of the Mother” which goes that although the voice of a mother is heard only in a family, the voice of the Party reverberates throughout the country; it is none other than cell secretaries who should ensure that the voice of the motherly Party full of love and trust resounds throughout the country.
Reflecting themselves on the song, all our cell secretaries should get closer to the minds of people like the mother of a family and rally them firmly behind the Party.
If they are to be like mothers, they should be so warm-hearted and broad-minded that everybody is willing to come to them and unbosom himself or herself.
They should always rack their brains over how to lead people along the right track and add glory to their political integrity.
They should think about the problems of their comrades and the masses before their own family affairs and devote themselves entirely to the collective as mothers would dedicate their blood, flesh and even their lives unhesitatingly to their children.
Always looking up to the beaming images of the President and the General in their minds, cell secretaries should treat people tenderly and warmly with motherly affectionate eyes, bright expression and polite manner.
Only then will people gather around them as honey bees swarm around fragrant flowers and an amicable atmosphere pervade the collective.
If they are to fulfil their duty with credit, Party cell secretaries should set examples for the masses in carrying out the revolutionary tasks.
If they put their backs into difficult tasks ahead of others and make tireless efforts to implement the Party’s policies, this is a political work more powerful than hundreds of words.
Those who take on the most dangerous and difficult undertaking ahead of others and make a breakthrough in the advance like Kim Kum Su, a former Party cell secretary of the explosive disposal squad under the Kangwon Provincial People’s Security Bureau, are genuine cell secretaries required by our Party.
Cell secretaries should not merely call upon Party members and other working people to turn out in implementing the Party’s policies but lead the masses to the struggle and exploits by setting practical examples.
If they are devoted to the Party and the revolution in the van of the masses they may rest or sleep less than others, but they should regard it as comfort, not as toil.
To fulfil their responsibilities and role, Party cell secretaries should improve their political and practical qualifications.
If they are poorly qualified, they cannot work skillfully with people and arouse them forcefully to the implementation of the Party’s policies, however great their determination and enthusiasm may be.
Cell secretaries should not try to have a say on the strength of the Party’s authority or their position but secure authority in work and trust of the masses by means of their practical abilities.
They should make an in-depth study of the works of the President and the General and Party documents to have better knowledge of the Party’s ideas, lines and policies than anybody else and get familiar with the instructions of the President and the General and the Party’s policies which are related to their sectors and units and Party work, in particular.
By making a substantial study of Party Rules and the standards of Party life they should be well acquainted with all practical matters as to the work of Party cells including the organization and guidance of Party life and the expansion of Party membership.
They should have many-sided knowledge of different fields such as politics, the military, the economy and culture and be well-informed about the situation at home and abroad.
The capability to correctly read people’s minds and move their hearts is an indispensable qualification of cell secretaries.
They should acquire proficient methods of working with the masses and be persons of versatile talents who know how to dance, sing and make a motivational speech in front of the masses.
In order to enhance the militant functions and role of Party cells as required by the developing times and revolution, it is necessary to establish the climate of attaching importance and giving positive help to them throughout the Party.
Party committees at all levels should pay close attention to building up the ranks of cell secretaries with those who are politically and ideologically staunch, popular among Party members and practically prepared and improving their qualifications.
They should transmit and disseminate Party documents and policies to cell secretaries in time, regularly inform them of the decisions and directives of higher Party organizations for their implementation and specify correct orientation of work.
In the guidance of lower organizations, Party committees at all levels should fully meet the Party’s demands that officials help and teach cell secretaries, while going down to Party cells and giving guidance to the Party life of their members.
It is also necessary to run the day of Party cell secretaries efficiently on a regular basis and widely organize short courses, discussions about experiences and the like.
For the present, the short course to be given in the wake of this Conference should be organized properly so as to give a substantial help to cell secretaries in their work.
Party cell secretaries assume heavy responsibilities and duties in the efforts to develop our Party into the glorious party of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il and expedite the building of a thriving nation.
The Party Central Committee firmly believes that all the Party cell secretaries and Party officials will creditably fulfil the honourable mission and duty they assume on behalf of the Party and revolution, fully aware that they themselves hold the flag of the Chuch’e-oriented Party.
After his speech, according to KCNA, meeting participants “extended greatest glory and warmest thanks to Kim Jong Un, who has further strengthened the WPK shining with the august names and feats of the great Generalissimos, remarkably enhanced its leadership role and thus provided the undying important programme to effect a great swing in the revolution and construction” and that “letter of pledge to the WPK was adopted at the conference.”
Kim Jong Un then delivered a closing speech in which he said “the Fourth Conference of Cell Secretaries of the Workers’ Party of Korea will be etched in the history of our Party as the one that marks a milestone in strengthening the militant might of the Party to the maximum as required by a new historic age in the accomplishment of the revolutionary cause of Juche and achieving the final victory in the building of a thriving nation” and “The revolutionary ideas of the great Comrades Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il are a science, and doing things as told by them leads to a sure victory in whatever difficulties and trials. This is the truth proved by our revolutionary practice.” According to KCNA Kim Jong Un also said “the participants in the Conference and other cell secretaries of the whole Party should bear in their minds the spirit of the Conference and fully apply them to their work, so as to give fullest play to the vitality of the Conference in the reality of the gigantic struggle to build a thriving country” and “Fully convinced that all the participants in the Conference and other cell secretaries of the whole Party will discharge their revolutionary duties in the sacred struggle for bringing earlier the prosperous future, firmly rallied around the Party Central Committee, Kim Jong Un declared the Fourth Conference of Cell Secretaries of the WPK closed. “